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COLONIAL
WILLIAMSBURG
VOL. 21, NO. 3
FALL 2000
THE ELECTION OF 1800 * * * **
It is the year 1800 —a new year, a new century.
It is also an election year. Presidential elec-
The Declaration of Independence is twenty-
tors cast ballots on December 3. When the
four years old. The American Revolution has
been over for nineteen years. The United States
votes are counted on February 11, 1801, Feder-
Constitution has been in effect for twelve years.
Pinckey of South Carolina receive sixty-five and
sixty-four votes respectively. Federalist John Jay
The country is in mourning for its first president, George Washington, who died seventeen
days before the beginning of the new century.
The federal government has very few em-
alists John Adams and Charles Cotesworth
receives one. Democratic -Republicans Thomas
and
Jefferson ( and current vice president)
ployees. John Adams is our second president
and the first to move into the still unfinished
Aaron Burr of New York tie with seventy- three
votes each. ( Currently under the Constitution,
the person receiving the highest number of
president's house in the new capital city of
electoral votes is president; the one with the
Washington in the District of Columbia. Wash-
second highest number is vice president.) Be-
ington City is in a heavily forested area with lit-
cause of the tie, the election is thrown into the
tle cultivated land and a great deal of swamp
House of Representatives with lame -duck Fed-
along the Potomac River basin.
eralists in the majority. On February 17, 1801,
Three new states have been added to the original thirteen —Vermont, Kentucky, and Ten-
on the thirty-sixth ballot, Thomas Jefferson is
nessee. The population of the United States is
5, 308, 000. One fifth is enslaved. Two thirds of
Aaron Burr becomes vice president. On March
4, Jefferson becomes the first president to take
Americans live within fifty miles of the Atlantic
seaboard. Population west of the mountains is approximately 500,000. Only four major roads run
istered by his distant kinsman and longtime po-
through the Appalachians: the wagon road from
elected third president of the United States.
the oath of office in Washington, D. C., admin-
litical rival, Chief Justice John Marshall. The
revolution of 1800 has been fought and won.
Philadelphia to Pittsburgh, the wagon road from
the Potomac to the Monongahela, the Virginia
Road to the Holston River in Knoxville, and the
road through the Cumberland Gap into Kentucky.
The above information was compiled by Bill
Barker and Nancy Milton.
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Rights. It is the first article in our Bill of Rights,
Interview with President elect Thomas Jefferson on
the Election of 1800
our very first security as Americans, guaranteeing our freedom of speech, our freedom of the
press, and our freedom of religion. As the new
chief executive, I intend to support that freedom
of religion: that the govemment make no law es-
Bill Barker as Thomas Jefferson)
tablishing religion or prohibiting the free exer-
Bill, an expert on the life of our third president, has
destruction of religion or introduce any im-
portrayed Thomas Jefferson throughout the United
States and abroad. He has been a character inter-
morality.
preter with Colonial Williamsburg for seven years.
govems best which attends directly to protecting people from injury by one another, but otherwise leaving them free to pursue their own
cise thereof. I do not see that this will incur the
I have always believed that that government
February 1801)
Mr. Jefferson, Congratulations on your elec-
tion victory. You termed this victory the " Rev-
industry and their own improvement. Such improvement is the more direct and the more suc-
olution of 1800." Why?
cessful when the people are free to pursue their
The " Revolution of 1800," although effected by
the sufferage of the people and not by the sword, was
own religious convictions and the improvement
of their morality and of their character, without
the dictates or dogmas of government imposed
as real a revolution in the principles of our government as that of 1776 was in its form; ... the revo-
upon them.
As far as any claims of my own particular re-
lution of 1800 marked the revival of the " spirit of
ligious opinion, whether I be atheist, infidel,
blasphemer or heretic, I have never made comment in public of my religious opinion.
1776" and a return to its first principles.
T.J. to Spencer Roane, 9/ 6/ 1819)
This
election re-
It is a subject on
sulted in a peaceable
the
overthrow
which I have been
of
scrupulously reserved.
government
I have considered it a
that had been es-
matter between every
tablished after our
man and his maker, in
constitutional con-
which no
vention and which
other, and
far less the public, had
had been in office
a right to intermeddle.
for more than a
decade. That Fed-
T. J. to Richard
Rush, 1813)
eralist government
was overthrown by
a party with a new
political
Bill Barker as
Thomas Jefferson.
Thomas Jefferson" by
Gilbert Stuart.
philoso-
Every sect believes
its own form the true
one ...
phy, the Democratic -Republican philosophy.
This was without any raising of arms or shedding
but especially
the Episcopalians and Congregationalists. The re-
turning good sense of our country threatens abortion
of blood, but done in a peaceable, successful
to their hopes, and they believe that any portion of
fashion, as revolutions may be conducted.
power confided to me, will be exerted in opposition
How do you appeal to those Federalists who
sworn upon the altar of god, eternal hostility against
every form of tyranny over the mind of man.
T.J. to Benjamin Rush, 9/ 13/ 1800)
to their schemes. And they believe rightly; for I have
see you as one who would ( and I quote) " de-
stroy religion, introduce immorality, and
loosen all the bonds of society"? A Boston
newspaper even reported that some of the
I inquire of no person's religion, nor do I bother
ladies there hid their Bibles under mattresses
any with my own, for I believe a person's religion
is solely between them and their Maker. Be as-
on hearing of the election victory of the Virginia " atheist."
sured that I do carry my communion with my
Well, they are certainly free to believe what they
choose and to express
Maker deep within my heart and endeavor each
day to do my duty unto my Creator, which is to
their concerns accord-
ingly. This is a guarantee under our Bill of
do good to my fellow man.
2
�Vol. 21, No. 4, Fall 2000
Mr. Jefferson, do you personally support news
do believe that we should all recognize within
the dichotomies of our factions that we are still
writers in the expression of their opinions?
all devoted to certain principles of this nation —
I have never paid one cent directly to any of the
that we are all Federalists and that we are all Re-
news writers to support my particular principles
on the Democratic Republican platform, but I
publicans
do support the freedom of the press to express
recognize equal and exact justice for all men, a
their opinion and particularly news writers to
jealous right of election by the people, a secur-
support their own paper, as I have Mr. Freneau
ing of the states in all their rights, while the
and as I have Mr. James Thomson Callender.
states must recognize the security of the federal
Unfortunately, Mr. Callender was wont to print
government in all of its constitutional vigor —
and
that,
therefore,
we
should
mistruths in his pamphlet " The Prospect Before
that we might all recognize amongst our factions
Us" and was, therefore, thrown into jail under
the Sedition Acts of the past administration. He
has addressed me upon what he considers the
injustice of his position, and I would agree. To be
the civil over the military authority and to recognize in this new nation that agriculture should
ever receive our first attention, with commerce
as its handmaiden.
thrown into jail for any comments or attacks
against
the government is
not
Political differences are inseparable from the differ-
warranted in
ent constitutions of the human mind, & that degree
of freedom which permits unrestrained expression.
T. J. to Thomas Pinckney, 1797)
equal justice to all men and the preservation of
our liberty.
But Mr. Callender' s request that I bail him
out of jail and that I give him monies that he
might begin again to write against the Federalist
But every difference of opinion is not a difference of
principle....
government I certainly cannot abide. He will re-
If there are any amongst us who would
wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments
main in jail through his imprisonment unless of
course the Sedition Acts may be repealed tomorrow. And I will find it incumbent in my sym-
of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated; where reason is left free to combat it.
pathies toward him that he might receive some
monies to remit his fine of $200 and would hope
T.J. First Inaugural Address, 1800)
he might not consider that a bribe. I do not wish
him in his anger to get out of jail and turn
You and Mr. Adams have been friends since
the Revolutionary years and yet, now, you and
against me.
he are political enemies. Can your friendship
possibly survive after such a bitter campaign?
After obviously coming through a very divisive and hard fought campaign, with slander
I am not assured that our friendship may sur-
used freely by both sides, do you think that
certain appointments of judges on the highest
vive, particularly after Mr. Adams' s attention to
our late beloved President Washington was
prophetic when he warned us about quarrel-
bench. These " midnight appointments," as they
have come to be known, greatly anger me, that
ing over section and party? Or do you believe
he would suggest that the ascension of the De-
political factions have a place in our republic?
mocratic- Republican platform should bring with
Political factions have a place in our republic, for
I believe that the free expression guaranteed
under our Bill of Rights is a citation to the peo-
it an attention to injustice vested in the high
courts of justice. I think Mr. Adams' s appoint-
ments were out of fear alone, and I do not think
his fear well justified.
ple that they are free to voice their opinions even
if it is an attack against their own government.
Indeed, it reminds me of the fear Alexander
Algernon Sidney said a free press is necessary for
Hamilton has held ever since Daniel Shays' s rebellion and a fear that was indeed the concern
the freedom of a people and a. people have the
right to overthrow their government. Should we
of President Washington. Have not our citizenry
ignore Mr. John Milton's Areopagitica, which
a right to take up arms against their govern-
guarantees that a free press is essential to the
ment. Have they not a right to be heard? On the
contrary, I think President Adams and President
freedom and happiness of a citizen body?
I think well we should reference that the
Washington might well have learned, as I voiced
Alien and Sedition Acts that were put forth by
to Secretary Hamilton, that a revolution is a
President Adams in his administration have
good thing every generation or so.
served no purpose whatsoever but to agitate
against and to harm the freedoms of the citizen
appointment on behalf of one political opinion
I do not see how a judiciary with any extensive
body, and I intend very much to repeal them. I
will prevent such a thing. I do hope Mr. Adams
3
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
will
recognize
Had the election terminated in the elevation of Mr.
that
our friendship should
Burr, every Republican would, I am sure, have acqui-
be based upon our
there
esced in a moment; because however it might have
been variant from the intentions of the voters, yet I
would have been agreeable to the constitution. However, the contrivance in the constitution for marking
the votes works badly, because it does not enounce
precisely the true expression of the public will.
might have been two
T. J. to Thomas McKean, 1801; and T. J. to
great respect for one
another
and
not
upon differences of
opinion in politics or
religion —that
other
people
Tench Coxe, December 1800)
stand-
ing in our shoes who
would have suffered
through
same
we
the
politics
John Adams"
The animosity that exists between you and
by Mather Brown.
very
Mr. Hamilton is known. Yet, he told his Federalist friends that he preferred you as presi-
that
underwent.
dent rather than Mr. Burr; that you were only
a contemptible hypocrite" [ crafty, unscrupu-
in
these past several years.
lous, and dishonest], but Aaron Burr was
even worse: " a most unfit and dangerous
man." Would you like to comment on this?
Though I saw that our ancient friendship was af-
fected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I
never felt a diminution of confidence in his integrity,
Well, Colonel Hamilton has a right to express
his opinion, and his opinions as I now heard
and retained a solid affection for him, his principles
them as fact, follow directly what I' ve read in
of government I knew to be changed, but conscien-
the press, which was certainly free to print this
tiously changed.
T. J. to Madison, 1797)
as well. I do not find, however, that Aaron Burr
might be considered worse than what Alexan-
When you received word that you and your
der Hamilton considers me. On the contrary, I
would think that Mr. Burr has already exempli-
vice presidential candidate Aaron Burr had
tied for votes in the Electoral College, what
were your thoughts? Do you think that Mr.
fied himself perhaps as a victim of his own am-
Burr, since he was running with you, should
after the thirty-sixth ballot the tie betwixt us
bition, as he does not seem very satisfied with
his election as vice president, nor the fact that
have withdrawn in your favor, and, hence,
was to be broken. Whether Colonel Burr will be
prevented the election from going to the
seen in the near future to be the most danger-
ous and unfit man for his office I cannot rightly
House of Representatives?
say at present, but allow the future indeed to
I define this as a neglect particularly of our elec-
witness whether I am to be as crafty, unscrupu-
toral process, that whereas the Electoral College
lous, and dishonest as Colonel Hamilton would
does serve a purpose to represent all of the states
have me.
equally, I think it denies more directly the right
of the people themselves to elect their chief ex-
Hamilton is really a colossus to the anti -Republican
ecutive. I would have rather seen all of us who
party. Without numbers, he is an host within him-
stood for the higher office —not only Colonel
self.
Burr and myself, but Colonel Hamilton, and
T.J. to James Madison, 1795)
again President Adams and Colonel Pinckney of
South Carolina —stand equally in the attentions
Hamilton was honest as a man, but, as a politician,
of the people to have been elected by them directly. I would hope in the future that there
believing in the necessity of either force or corruption
to govern men.
might be an amendment made to our constitu-
T. J. to Benjamin Rush, 1811)
tion that two candidates may stand together on
one single platform, one to be elected as the
I never indeed thought [ Burr] an honest, frank -
president, the other to be elected directly as vice
dealing man, but considered him as a crooked gun,
president.
or other perverted machine, whose aim or stroke you
could never be sure of. Still, while he possessed the
Burr] has certainly greatly merited of his country,
confidence of the ruction, I thought it my duty to respect in him their confidence, & to treat him as if he
and the Republicans in particular, to whose efforts
his have given a chance of success.
T.J. to Pierce Butler, August 1800)
deserved it.
T. J. to William Giles, April 1807)
4
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fa112000
A slave rebellion led by Gabriel Prosser took
To pursue our own Federal and Republican princi-
place in the Richmond area and was put
ples, our attachment to our union and representa-
down by Governor Monroe. Do you see these
rebellions as a continuous threat to the dem-
tive government ...
possessing a chosen country,
with room enough for our descendants to the hun-
ocratic principles upon which this nation was
dredth and thousandth generation; entertaining a
founded?
right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisi-
I do not. On the contrary, I see them as very
much a fire bell in the night to warn us that
resulting not from
tions of our own industry ...
birth, but from our actions and their sense of them
within our democratic process we should give a
greater attention to the dissolution of this bar-
restrain men from injuring one another, which shall
with a wise and frugal Government, which shall
leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pur-
barous practice of slavery. When I recall that
suits of industry and improvement, and shall not
these efforts before the Revolution were quelled
take from the mouth of labor the bread it has
in many regards, that our petitions put forth to
His Majesty' s government for ending the importation of slaves here were ignored, when my
earned.
T. J. First Inaugural Address, 1801)
own clause within the Declaration of Indepen-
The vast lands to the west are our future; as we
dence was struck from that document in refer-
now settle closer to the Mississippi River, we
ence to calling His Majesty a tyrant for allowing
must look well beyond it. It appears to be our
the continued importation of slaves, we must
destiny to settle west of the Mississippi. We de-
ever take account that as we now hold the reins
of this barbarous practice amongst us that we
ourselves are most accountable for its future
and its dissolution.
sire that the kingdom of Spain will readily recognize our intention to peaceably negotiate
with her, particularly in reference to our trade
through the port of New Orleans and to recog-
Therefore, I hope we may continue, as I expressed in my Kentucky Resolutions, and as I' ve
nize further that whoever holds the island of
New Orleans will be our natural enemy unless
treaties of trade may be peaceably attended
ever held, to end the importation of slaves and
begin an amiable process of emancipation. It will
not happen overnight. We must begin not to ex-
there.
I would hope that the aggressions thus far
tend this barbarism westwards. As new states
will come into the Union, as we have already
seen of the French generals, in particular General Bonaparte, who almost appears to be a dic-
seen with Vermont and Kentucky, we must not
allow -these new states to decide whether they
tator among them, may not preclude peaceable
negotiations with his people. I think that the af-
are slave or free, but put an end to such further
expansion. Mr. Prosser' s example will be well fol-
fairs of the French have been recognized the
lowed in the future if we do not see to an amelioration of this situation at present.
them with us, and as I have made no particular
comment upon that for further provocation I
A little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and
should remain silent. However, we must not go
to war with France, but continue to negotiate
as necessary in the political world as storms are in
peaceably with General Bonaparte; we must not
the physical.
send any further delegation there that might
past couple of years as provoking a war amongst
T. J. to James Madison, 1787)
recognize a trade with them to the detriment of
the trade with any other European kingdom —
nor incur indeed another scandal or embarrass-
Ifsomething is not done, and soon done, we shall be
the murderers of our own children. The " neurmura
venturos nautis prudentia ventos" has already
reached us from San Domingo; the revolutionary
storm now sweeping the globe will be upon us, and
ment as the XYZ affair was to bring upon us and
hope that we might negotiate for peaceable set-
happy if we make provision to give it an easy pas-
tlement along the Mississippi.
Our future rests in the easy and amiable acquisition of land, that our citizenry may con-
sage over our land.
tinue to settle upon lands for generations yet
T. J. to St. George Tucker, 1797)
unborn, that the ownership of land might inculcate in our future citizenry the great nobility of
Mr. Jefferson, what is your vision for this
the cultivation of the soil wherein we provide
country at the dawn of this new century?
for our own sustenance, as well as for our own
freedom and happiness. As I said earlier, I believe agriculture should receive our first attentions, with commerce as her handmaid.
Also, any thoughts about the vast lands to the
west that your fellow countrymen seem eager
to take up?
5
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
dlAu or Lot 15IANA ANIr0F PHF 12
Eli:Flies
the preservation of our liberties and
our happiness. I hope that it may
prove to be a great center of trade
and commerce with all the free na-
tions of the world and the kingdoms of this globe yet existing, that
it will be in its architecture a monument to the greatest elements of
providing for our shelter, to lift in
these monuments the human spirit,
to provide a greater light within the
walls of these buildings, and indeed
a greater circulation of air, ever to
be more conducive to our health as
well as to our happiness.
Your inauguration is coming up
on March 4 [ 1801]. Have you
planned your address yet?
Map of Louisiana and the Mississippi River.
Yes, I am writing an address through which I
hope we might ameliorate the differences be-
After seeing some of the great capital cities of
tween the Federalists and the anti Federalist
factions. As I mentioned earlier, an address in
Europe, what is your impression of our new
capital city on the Potomac?
In my papers I have the plans of Frankfort-on- theMayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam, Strasburg, Path, Or-
which I might speak to all of us upon one united
leans, Bordeaux, Lyons, Montpelier, Marseilles, Turin,
and Milan.... Whenever it is proposed plans for the
We must realize that our greatest advantage is
Capital, I prefer the adoption of some of the models of
antiquity, which have had the approbation of the ages.
welcome the further improvement of our gov-
ground, one platform, for one purpose —that we
are all Federalists, that we are all Republicans.
in proceeding together in an open debate. We
emment as it ever allows us a greater attention
T. J. to Pierre I: Enfant, April 1791)
to ascertain truths towards our greater happiness in this new experiment.
Theimprovement of Washington must proceed with
sure and steady steps, which follows from its many
obvious advantages, and from the entertaining spirit
Interview and transcription by Bob Doares and
Nancy Milton
Bob, an instructor in the Department of Staff Development, is a member of the Interpreter planning
board. Nancy, an instructor in the Department of
of its inhabitants, which promises to render it the
fairest seat of wealth and science.
T. J. to citizens of Washington, 1809)
Staff Development, is editor of the Interpreter.
I am delighted that the peace between Colonel
Hamilton and myself was secured by ,.
Mr. Madison, to know that with the
acceptance of Colonel Hamilton's assumption plan many of the southern
states will have to incur again the
cost of paying for our late war, but to j>
recognize that indeed the cost has
been made to Colonel Hamilton and
his associates to seat our federal city
upon the banks of the Potomac here
in the midst of southern states.
I see for the future of our Federal
City a great growth of art and science,
as the population will grow. No other
city on our continent should be so devoted to these interests than the city
Washington the Capital of the U— States," early nineteenth-
century sketch by Lewis Miller.
which hosts the government itself for
6
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
Sheriff William Haskins
Reports Run - n at Halifax
I
County Burgess Election
Also that the Sheriff of Halifax hath made
the following Retum, on the Writ for electing
Burgesses for the said County.
Upon receipt of the Writ hereunto an-
nexed, which came to my Hands the eighteenth
Day of August last, I caused Copies thereof, endorsed with an Appointment of the Election to
be on Friday the fifteenth of September following, at the Court House, to be delivered to the
Minister of the Parish in my County, and to the
The Polling" by William Hogarth.
several Readers of Difficult Church, and Allen's
Church, on or before the Sunday next after I re-
peaceable Manner, and that I would keep the
ceived the said Writ, and at the same Time, sent
Poll open till Sunset, if any one required it;
another Copy, with the like Endorsement, to
upon which Mr Lewis seemed to be satisfied,
the Reader at Boyd's Church; but he was not
and said nothing more on that Subject, as I
heard, except acknowledging, that he had No-
there that Day, as I was informed, and the succeeding Sunday the Minister attended on the
tice of my Design to have an early Election, and
that he and his Clerk were ready. Mr Terry then
last mentioned Church himself.
In order that the Election might be peace-
objected, that I ought to have provided a Clerk
ably and fairly conducted, I acquainted Mr
Nathaniel Terry, Mr Walter Coles and Mr Isaac
to take a Poll for him. I confess I had not em-
ployed any one to do that Office, the Candidates themselves having usually chosen their
Clerks. I told Mr Terry, if he had desired me, I
Coles, three of the declared Candidates, and
many other Persons, a Fortnight at least before
the Day, that I would open the Poll by the Hour
would have provided a Clerk for him, and that,
of eight of the Clock in the Morning, and ex-
if he required me to do so I would then procure
plained to them my Reason for beginning so
early; and desired Mr Terry to inform Mr Lewis,
the other Candidate, therewith, which Mr Terry
one, which I could easily have done. Several
Persons then said publicly, in Mr Terry' s hearing, that Mr Terry' s Clerk, John Cox, was at the
Table in the Court-House, ruling the Columns
said he would do, if he had an Opportunity. I
imagined an early Election would prevent the
in the Poll, for the Electors Names; upon which
Confusion and Inconvenience which attended
I said, I would read the Writ: And having it
open in my Hands for that Purpose, Mr Terry
came to me, his Coat and his Waistcoat being
stripped off, and his Collar Open, and holding
up a large Stick, threatened to cane me, and de-
the last; for that being deferred til near the Middle of the Day, by the Throng of the Electors
crowding in, the Poll was several Times neces-
sarily interrupted. On the Day appointed, I did
not begin at Eight of the Clock precisely, lest I
clared, if I attempted to read the Writ, he would
should appear too exact, although Messieurs
Walter and Isaac Coles urged me to do so; but
at or about Five Minutes after Nine o' Clock, I
split me down, and did aim, and endeavour several Times to strike me, as I was about to read
the Writ (according to what I thought my Duty)
with his Stick, which, the Blows being warded
informed the Candidates, who were all present,
that I would then open the Poll, and proceed to
off by People between us, did not touch my Per-
the Election, near Half the Electors, in my opinion, if not more, being in and about the Court
Yard. Mr Terry asked me why I would not wait
son, that I remember, but fell upon the Writ in
my Hands. Immediately after this such a Tumult
ensued, and the Electors were in such a Temper,
till the usual time? I told him that I acquainted
and so disorderly, and some of them drank of
him with my Reason for beginning so soon. Mr
spirituous Liquors to such Excess, that I was
Lewis said he believed I had no Power to begin
convinced a fair Election could not have been
when I would. I answered, that I thought it was
made afterwards on that Day: And therefore I
in my Power to begin when it appeared to be a
declined proceeding further."
proper Time, which I conceived that to be; and
told both the Gentlemen I had no other Design
than that the Election might be in a fair and
Report from the Committee of Privileges and Elections,
Journals of [he House of Burgesses, 1766- 69, 231.
7
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
suites, and if the stranger dye lays a gap
Travelers to the West
open to many avaritious persons to ruyne
by Kate McBride
the estate of the person deceased, ffor
remedy whereof for the future, Be it en-
Kate is an instructor in the Department of Staff De-
acted that noe person not making a poitive
velopment.
agreement with any one he shall enter tayne into his house for dyett or storeage
In May 1775, Philip Fithian, a newly licensed
shall recover any thing against any one
Presbyterian minister, was in Greenwich, New
soe enteertayned or against his estate, but
Jersey, making preparations to go to the western
parts of Pennsylvania and Virginia. On May 9,
that every one shall be reputed to enter -
he wrote in his diary: " Must Away to the West-
make not a certaine agreement.'
tayne those of curtesie with whome they
ward, over Mountains & Sylvan Wilds; Among
In 1702, Swiss traveler Francis Louis Michel
I know not what kind of People. "'
commented on this custom:
Before I continue my journey I find it necessary to report a good habit or custom
which prevails
there
with
regard
to
strangers and travelers. Namely, it is possible to travel through the whole country
without money, except when ferrying
across a river....
There are few ordinar-
ies or inns. Moreover, it is not a country
in which much traveling is done, though
the inhabitants visit one another. Even if
A Rocky Mount, . . Botetourt County,"
sketch by Lewis Miller.
one is willing to pay, they do not accept
anything, but they are rather angry, asking, whether one did not know the custom
of the country. At first we were too mod-
Throughout the eighteenth century many
people made that joumey " to the Westward."
Fortunately for us, several of these travelers
est to go into the houses to ask for food
and lodging, which the people often recog-
kept diaries or journals of their trips. These firsthand accounts of life on the frontier detail the
nized, and they admonished us not to be
bashful, as this was the custom of rich and
variety of people the travelers met as well as the
poor. We soon became accustomed to it.'
types of accommodations they had along the
Governor Alexander Spotswood followed
way. These commentaries clearly reveal the dif-
this custom in 1716 during a trip to Fort Chris -
ferences between lodgings found in eastem
tanna,
areas of Virginia, like Williamsburg, and those
about
eighty
miles
southwest
of
Williamsburg. The governor took several men
with him. John Fontaine kept a diary of the
available on the frontier.
Travelers had several options. They could
journey in which he described the venture as
stop at a private home for food and a place to
going
sleep, they could camp in the woods, or they
could stay at a public house called a tavern, inn,
to
the " outward settlement" on
the
Southside. On the return trip to Williamsburg,
Spotswood and his party stayed at a poor
planter' s house. Fontaine wrote of their stay:
or ordinary.
The custom of being able to stop and receive
They had no beds in the house, so the
Governor lay upon the ground and had
his bear's skin under him. I lay upon a
a homeowner' s hospitality developed in the late
seventeenth century and was the concern of a
taw passed by the Virginia General Assembly in
large table in my cloak, and thus we fared
until day which was welcome to us."
1663 titled "An act concerning entertainment
of strangers." Apparently, some problems had
arisen when travelers failed to discuss arrange-
By the 1740s, settlement extended to the
Blue Ridge Mountains and the Valley area. In
ments upon arriving. The act stated:
Whereas it is frequent with diverse inhab-
some of the western counties, like Frederick,
itants of this country to entertain
residents were permitted to operate taverns in
strangers into their houses without mak-
their homes. In the late 1740s, a young George
Washington was part of a group of men surveying land in. the area around Winchester for the
Fairfax family. Washington described his stay at
ing any agreement with the party what he
shall pay for his accommodations which
if the party live) causeth many litigious
8
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
ing Shaved, Shifted and made New shoes we
left our useless raggs at ye camp." The men then
went to the home of a local resident and spent
the night. Walker wrote about a unique prob-
lem of providing accommodations to travelers
on the frontier: "The People here are very Hospitable and would be better able to support
Travellers was it not for the great number of In-
dian Warriers that frequently take what they
want from them. "'
Early eighteenth- century taverns and those
on the frontier were often small, having only
one or two rooms. Travelers commonly shared
space with the tavemkeeper's family as well as
with other travelers. In June 1775, Philip
Fithian was in western Pennsylvania, near Sun -
A View in Giles County, Virginia,"
by Lewis Miller.
berry on the Susquehanna River. There, he
shared accommodations with a number of boatmen. He wrote, " I slept in a Room with seven of
them, & one for a Bedfellow; he was however
the home of a man named Pennington:
Worked hard till Night & then returned to
clean, &
Penningtons we got our Suppers & was
Lighted in to a Room & I not being so
civil, &
our beds were good & neat. "'
good a Woodsman as the rest of my Company striped myself very orderly & went
in to the Bed as they call' d it when to my
Surprize I found it to be nothing but a Little Straw—
Matted together without
sheets or any thing else but only one
Thread Bear blanket with double its
Weight of Vermin such as Lice Fleas & c.
I was glad to get up ( as soon as the Light
was carried from us) &
put on my
Cloahs & Lay as my Companions. Had
we not have been very tired, I am sure we
should not have slep'd much that night.'
The next day, Washington and company
Fithian frequently commented about how
uncomfortable staying with families made him.
On one occasion, he wrote, " This going to bed
went to Frederick Town, later called Winchester. He wrote:
rising in the same Room, & in full view, of
the whole family —This to be sure, puts me
We cleaned ourselves ( to get Rid of the
game we had catched the Night before) &
often to the Blush. "t
As a source of information to people in fron-
took a review of the town & then return'd
to our Lodgings where we had a good
Dinner prepar' d for us Wine & Rum
tier areas, all newly arrived travelers had to deal
with questions from local residents. Isaac Weld,
Punch in Plenty & a good Feather Bed
with clean Sheets which was a very agree-
traveling through western Virginia in the late
1790s, commented:
able regale.`
Washington and his companions were doing
Of all the uncouth human beings I met
what most travelers did when they got to a set-
with in America, these people from the
tled area —they got cleaned up, changed their
clothes, got some food, then went about their
business. In 1750, Thomas Walker did the same
western country were the most so; their
curiosity was boundless. Frequently have I
been stopped abruptly by one of them in a
solitary part of the road, and in such a
thing when he got back to civilization after
manner, that had it been in another coun-
spending about seven months in the backcountry exploring the area beyond the Cumberland
try, I should have imagined it was a highwayman that was going to demand my
purse, and without any further preface,
Gap. When he and his party got near the Augusta County Courthouse, Walker wrote: " Hay9
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
was the only " bowl" used for the family,
our servants, and ourselves; I dare not say
asked where I came from? If I was acquainted with any news? Where bound to?
and finally, my name ?... A stranger going
the same way is sure of having the com-
for what other use it was offered to us when
we went to bed. As we were four masters,
pany of these worthy people, so desirous of
the hostess and her family were obliged
information, as far as the next tavern,
where he is seldom suffered to remain for
to give up their bed to us. Just as we were
five minutes, till he is again assailed by a
entered the room where we were
fresh set with the same questions. 10
bled, opened a closet, and took out a little
deciding to make use of it, a tall young man
assem-
bottle. I asked him what it was. " It's a
The 1780s and 1790s saw a number of for-
drug," he said, " which our Doctor hereabouts has ordered me to take every day."
eign travelers visiting the United States. Many
came to see what the new country was all about.
And what's your trouble ?" I added. " Oh!
Several visited Virginia and traveled to its west-
not much," he replied, " only a little itch." I
found this admission appealing in its candor, but I was by no means sorry that I had
sheets in my portmanteau. It may easily be
ern areas. Weld was one of these, as was the
Marquis de Chastellux, a French officer who
was at the siege of Yorktown. Following Comwallis's surrender, Chastellux decided to take a
imagined that I was not tempted to break-
trip to the western part of Virginia before the
French army left the state. He was particularly
fast in this house next morning!'
The next day, the marquis and his party trav-
interested in seeing Natural Bridge. Chastellux
had a variety of experiences at the taverns and
eled on and had some better experiences. Dur-
ing the day, they stopped at a tavern owned by
a young couple, David Steel and his wife, who
homes where he stayed. On some occasions, he
paid for his accommodations; on others, the
also operated a mill. That Steel had been
tavemkeeper or homeowner did not charge him
because of who he was.
wounded in the fighting at Guildford Courthouse greatly affected the marquis. He wrote of
At Rockfish Gap, west of Charlottesville, he
his visit:
stayed at a tavern recommended to him by
Thomas Jefferson during a visit at Monticello. It
Both together could not have made up for
the total lack of bread and any kind of
drink that they were then experiencing. The
was not a pleasant experience.
I found the inn that Mr.Jefferson had indi-
bread was just kneaded, but not yet put
into the oven. And as for liquors, the house
cated to me; it is one of the worst lodging
places - all America. Mrs. 'Maze, the misin
tress of the house, was some time ago bereft
by the death of her husband, and I verily
believe that she was also bereft of all her
made use of none, and the same brook
furniture, for I have never seen a more
ners ill suit the convenience of travelers. A
badly furnished house. A poor tin vessel
few cakes, however, baked over the coals,
excellent butter, good milk, and above all,
which turned the mill quenched the young
couple' s thirst....
But these pastoral man-
the interest with which Mr. Steel inspired
us, made us pass agreeably the time needed
to put our horses in condition to complete a
long and hard day's journey.'
Later that night, after having great difficulty
crossing a stream, the group arrived at Paxton's
Tavern.
It was now ten o' clock, and the house was
closed, or rather the houses, for there were
two. I approached the first of them and
knocked at the door. It was opened, and I
saw five or six little Negroes lying upon a
mat before a large fire. I then went to the
other house, and there found five or six
white children lying in the same manner
on a mat before a large fire. Two or three
grown -up Negroes presided over each of
these little troops. They told me that Mr.
The Natural Bridge," by Lewis Miller.
10
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
I
taking to go by this route to Kentucky, and
travelers were always obliged to go forty
or fifty in a party, and well prepared for
chilled by the expectation of see-
defence. It would be still dangerous for
ing our host and hostess come home completely drunk. But I was mistaken; they
any person to venture singly, but if five or
Paxton, his wife, and his whole family,
were invited to a wedding, but not far off,
and they would go and fetch them....
was ...
six travel together, they are perfectly secure. There are houses now scattered
arrived perfectly sober, were polite and solicitous, and at about midnight we had an
along nearly the whole way from Fincas-
excellent supper. Although the rooms and
tle to Lexington in Kentucky, so that it is
beds were not all we might have wished
not necessary to sleep more than two or
three nights in the woods in going there."
for, they were better than at Mrs. Teaze' s,
and we had no right to complain."
Travelers in Virginia met a variety of people
during their joumeys. They also had different experiences with their accommodations —from very
comfortable to the worst they saw during their
entire trip. But one thing that many commented
on was the hospitality of the people of Virginia.
Fithian summed up the feeling when he wrote:
The Air of Virginia seems to inspire all the
Inhabitants with hospitality —It has long
been a Characteristic of the lower Counties— I am sure these Western ones deserve it —Every thing they possess is as
free to a Stranger as the Water or the Air."
Lexington," by Lewis Miller.
Philip Vickers Fithian, Philip Vickers Fithian: Journal,
1775 - 1776, Written on the Virginia Pennsylvania Frontier
and in the Army around New York, ed. Robert Greenhalgh
Albion and Leonidas Dodson ( Princeton, N. J.: Princeton
University Press, 1934), 1.
2 William Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large, Vol. 2
By the 1790s, settlement extended to the
Mississippi River. Weld described what he found
in the Valley area of Virginia at that time and
how_travel farther west had improved by then:
Richmond, Va.: Printer to the Commonwealth, 1809 - 1823),
192.
Between Fincastle and the Patowmac
there are several towns, as Lexington,
Francis Louis Michel, " Report of the Journey of Francis Louis Michel from Berne, Switzerland, to Virginia, Oc-
tober 2, 1701—December 1, 1702," ed. William J. Hinke,
Staunton, Newmarket, Woodstock, Winchester, Strasburgh,
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 24 ( 1916): 99.
and some others.
John Fontaine, The Journal of John Fontaine: An Irish
These towns all stand on the great road,
Huguenot Son in Spain and Virginia, 1710 - 1719, ed. Edward
running north and south behind the Blue
Porter Alexander ( Williamsburg, Va.: Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 1972), 99.
George Washington, The Diaries of George Washington,
Mountains, and which is the high road
from the northern states to Kentucky.
ed. Donald Jackson, Vol. 1:
As I passed along it, I met with great
numbers of people from Kentucky and the
1748 - 1765 ( Charlottesville,
Va.: University Press of Virginia, 1976), 10.
Ibid., 11.
Thomas Walker, "The Journal ofDoctor Thomas Walker,
new state of Tenassee going towards
1749- 1750," in Annals of Southwest Virginia, 1769 - 1800, ed.
Philadelphia and Baltimore, and with
Lewis Preston Summers ( Abingdon, Va., 1929), cited in Tak-
many others going in a contrary direction,
ing Possession Storyline Resource Book ( Williamsburg, Va.: Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 2000), 248.
to explore" as they call it, that is, to
Fithian, Journal, 1775 - 1776, 39.
search for lands conveniently situated for
Ibid., 95.
new settlements in the western country.
1° Isaac Weld, Travels Through the States of North America,
The people all travel on horseback, with
Vol. 1 ( New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1968), 235.
pistols and swords, and a large blanket
Marquis de Chastellux, Travels inNorth America in the Years
folded up under their saddle, which last
1780, 1781 and 1782, trans. Howard C. Rice, Jr., Vol. 2 ( Chapel
they use for sleeping in when obliged to
Hill, N. C.: University ofNorth Carolina Press for the Institute
of Early American History and Culture, 1963), 401 -402.
pass the night in the woods. There is but
Ibid., 403.
little occasion for arms now that peace
has been made with the Indians; but for-
Ibid., 404.
1° Weld, Travels Through the States, 233 - 234.
merly it used to be a very serious under-
Fithian, Journal, 1775 - 1776, 150.
11
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Virginia' s dominion to pass west of the moun-
Questions & Answers
tains without permission.
What were some of the colonial treaties made
Treaty of Lancaster, 1744
with Native Americans that had an impact on
This treaty, struck with the Iroquois at Lan-
Virginia?
caster, Pennsylvania, granted Indians safe pas-
Treaty of 1646
sage through Virginia and helped maintain
This treaty between the English and the
Iroquois friendship in the face of increased ten-
Powhatans gave the English sole control of the
sion with the French. It was one of two Indian
lower Peninsula between the James and York
treaties printed in Williamsburg. Printer William
Rivers. No Indians were allowed in this area on
Parks published this one.
pain of death. The Powhatans were to pay trib-
ute of twenty beaver skins each year to the gov-
Treaty of Logstown, 1752
emor. All English prisoners, slaves, and guns
The Six Nations Indians agreed to allow Vir-
held by the Indians were to be returned, but Indian prisoners were to be kept by the English
ginia settlement on the southeast side of the
Ohio River.
and made into servants. Any Indian children
twelve years and under were welcome to live
Treaty of Winchester, 1753
By the terms of this treaty, Scarouady, an
with the English.
Oneida representing Ohio country Indians,
gave permission to build a blockhouse near the
forks of the Ohio.
Treaty with the Catawbas and Cherokees,
1756
This effort by Virginia to keep peace between
the Catawbas and Cherokees was the second
treaty to be published in Williamsburg, this time
by William Hunter.
Treaty of Hard Labor, 1768
This treaty, concluded with the Cherokees at
Hard Labor, South Carolina, ceded former
A Chief of Roanoke" by Theodore de Bry.
Cherokee lands to the crown. The treaty line
was drawn from Chiswell' s mines in southwest
Treaty of Middle Plantation, 1676
Virginia to Point Pleasant ( where the Kanawa
This treaty resulted from the disturbances of
River enters the Ohio River).
Bacon's Rebellion in which the Powhatan Indi-
ans had been attacked gratuitously. All parties
Treaty of Fort Stanwix, 1768
By the terms of this treaty, the Iroquois
to the treaty acknowledged the sovereignty of
the king of England. This treaty protected
Powhatan lands by patenting the reservation
lands and stating that no English were to settle
within three miles of any Indian town. The
Powhatans were to pay tribute to the governor
ceded to Britain all lands east and south of the
Ohio River, including the Kentucky country,
with no consideration given to the Shawnees
and Delawares who lived in the territory.
each year. All trade with the English was to be
Treaty of Lochaber, 1770
This treaty with the Cherokees signed at
controlled by the governor, and all complaints
of ill treatment were to be taken to the gover-
Lochaber, South Carolina, confirmed additional
nor. Today all the tribes of the Powhatans still
cessions of certain Cherokee lands in Virginia.
live under the terms of this treaty.
According to the treaty, the line was to be
Treaty of Albany, 1722
drawn from six miles east of Long Island in the
Virginia Lieutenant Governor Spotswood
concluded peace with the Iroquois and estab-
Holston River ( then in North Carolina, now in
Tennessee) in a straight line to the mouth of the
lished the boundaries of Virginia at " the great
River of Potowmack and the High Ridge of
Great Kanawha River ( now Point Pleasant,
Mountains." The Iroquois were not to pass east
Kentucky). Presumably with the agreement of
the Cherokees, Colonel John Donelson, sent by
of the Blue Ridge, nor were the Indians under
Dunmore to run the line, moved it westward to
12
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
the Kentucky River then down the Kentucky to
Andrew Burnaby traveled through Virginia
the Ohio River, thereby opening up more than
half of Kentucky, including the lush bluegrass
in 1759 and 1760, moving around at a rather
leisurely pace. Most days he made between
twenty-five and thirty-five miles. On one occa-
region, to Virginians.
sion, he commented that he arrived at Win-
chester " after a long day' s journey of above fifty
Camp Charlotte Agreement, 1774
This unofficial agreement ended Dunmore's
miles."
Robert Hunter, Jr., a London merchant,
War against the Shawnees and forced the
Shawnees to acknowledge Virginia's rights to
thought that the road between Williamsburg
territory ceded by the Iroquois in the earlier
Treaty of Fort Stanwix. The Shawnees ceded
their hunting grounds, which were south of the
Ohio, to Virginia. The treaty was never formal-
and Chickahominy Ferry was " exceedingly
ized because political events in Virginia in 1775
prevented Dunmore's planned return to con-
Other reports bemoan the condition of colonial
pleasant." One traveler observed in 1746 that
the Virginia roads were " some of the best I ever
saw, and infinitely superior to most in England."
roads.
clude negotiations.
How did common folk move around in the colo-
How many miles could a traveler cover in a day
during the colonial period?
nial period? Did many people own horses?
The distances covered in a day by eighteenth century travelers varied considerably depending
Hugh Jones wrote, in 1724, that Virginians were
Most people walked or rode. The Reverend
on the weather, the travelers' intentions, road
such lovers of riding, that almost every ordinary person keeps a horse." Some vehicles and
conditions, rivers to be crossed, and so on. One
horses were hired out by tavernkeepers.
person mentioned that he went fifteen miles in a
chair in two- and a-
Was there public transportation in the eigh-
half hours while his
teenth century?
servant, in a chair
There was little horse -drawn public transportation in the eighteenth century in the Tide-
with luggage and
the old horse,"
water and Peninsula areas. For a short time in
traveled forty-five
1760, a stage ran between Hampton and Wil-
miles in a day. The
liamsburg, a distance of about thirty-two miles.
same man rode the
Ferries, available for a fee to carry travelers
stage in 1786 from
over waterways, came with a set of significant,
Petersburg to Suffolk (
miles)
time- consuming complications. A traveler arriving at the shore across from the ferry keeper' s
base had to attract the keeper' s attention by
shouting, waving a large piece of cloth, or signaling with a fire. Then the wait began while
the ferry crossed the river. If the ferry could not
ninety- one
in eighteen
hours.
William Byrd frequently came to Williamsburg from Westover Plantation in Charles City
County, about twenty-five miles up Route 5
today. From his diary entries, we know that it
usually took him five hours to make the trip on
accommodate horses and a carriage at the same
time, the traveler would have to wait while the
ferry made more than one trip.
horseback, unless he stopped to visit along the
way. George Washington could make the trip
between Mount Vernon and Williamsburg in
three days if he made very few stops, but he
often took six or seven days for the journey,
pausing to conduct business or to visit en route.
The post rider, who around 1738 rode horseback from New Post ( the general post office
three miles below Fredericksburg on the south
side of the Rappahannock River) to Williams-
burg each week, left New Post on Thursday
mornings and arrived in Williamsburg on Saturday. He allowed between two and two- and -ahalf days for the trip, stopping to rest and refresh
himself and his horse at necessary intervals.
This Lewis Miller sketch shows a nineteenth- cen-
tury ferry in western Virginia.
13
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
How much did a ferry ride cost in the eigh-
chaise with its driver; eight pence for a two -
teenth century?
wheeled chair or chaise; four pence for a
hogshead of tobacco or a head of cattle; one
The charges for ferriage in the eighteenth
penny for a hog; and each sheep, goat, or lamb
century were set by law and ferry keepers li-
was charged one fifth of the fare of a horse.
censed by the county courts. Prices varied
somewhat from place to place, but these for
Compiled by Bob Doares, instructor in Staff De-
Norfolk in 1747 are typical: four pence for a
man; four pence for a horse; two shillings for a
coach, chariot, or wagon with driver; one
velopment. Special thanks to John Caramia, chair
of the Taking Possession Story Line Team, for his
input on the Indian treaties.
shilling four pence for a cart or four wheeled
of physical and visual change in this region of
The Changing Landscape of
Williamsburg and Its
tidewater Virginia?
Most typically, virgin land was first cleared of
its tree cover. Possibly, it was graded or shaped.
Then the owner usually fenced it, and eventually put it to some form of agricultural use. As
Environs Through Time
by M. Kent Brinkley, FASLA
decades passed, this process changed and so did
the area' s look. Coupled with typical, manmade changes to the land, natural forces were
Kent is landscape architect in Colonial Williams -
burg's Operation's Division. In 1998, the American
Society of Landscape Architects honored him for his
work by electing him a Fellow.
and are) constantly at work through time. Although we might not think about it much, we
are at least vaguely aware that nothing remains
static in nature. The changing of the seasons
In 2000, the Foundation's interpretive focus
and the vagaries of weather, for example, remind us that Mother Nature never stands still
has been on the Taking Possession story line.
This story line emphasizes the clash of cultures
over ownership and land use in the seventeenth
outside our windows.
and eighteenth centuries as well as the steady
Man made and natural changes work to-
movement of English settlement west during
that period into what is today West Virginia,
Kentucky, and Ohio. Indeed; what was happen-
gether to alter the appearance of a landscape
portant part of this story, particularly as it
relates to Williamsburg' s Days in History pro-
over the course of time. This was certainly true
of Williamsburg and its surrounding areas.
Thus, despite the groundbreaking, monumental
efforts of the Colonial Williamsburg restoration
in the twentieth century, the city of Williams-
gramming.
burg looks vastly different today from what it
ing on the frontier was and is a critical and im-
did two and half centuries ago, and, indeed, just
However, it's also important to look back at
what was happening with land use here in the
a century ago.
Williamsburg area during the settlement period
As a landscape architect interested in the
and in the years that followed it. Although the
history of the Virginia landscape, I am con-
act of possessing the land is certainly central to
cerned both with the dynamics of change over
the story line, we also need to talk about why
the course of time in the larger Williamsburg
the land was desired; why and to what extent
landscape and with just how much things have
the land was cleared; how it was worked and
changed in this area visually as well as physi-
used, and how it was altered and shaped so that
cally. The next logical question to ask, then,
might be how can we quantify or qualify these
it could become useful. In other words, what
was done with the land once it had been ac-
kinds of elusive, ephemeral changes?
For the earliest part of the area's colonial his-
quired, and, more specifically, what happened
to the land in and around the city of Williamsburg? What were the catalysts for change over
the course of time in Williamsburg' s larger
tory, vivid impressions can be gained by examining official records of the colony and town,
travel accounts, and military billeting maps of
macro" landscape; that is, not just within the
the city that were drawn during the American
city itself and what is today the Historic Area of
Colonial Williamsburg, but also in the areas
that immediately surround the city? What ac-
Revolution. More recently, photographs taken
tions and historical events drove the processes
area' s appearance has changed over time. By
in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries pro-
vide revealing visual evidence of how much the
14
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
comparing these older photographs with more
1634), this formidable barrier became the visible,
recent ones, one gains a better appreciation of
symbolic frontier boundary of the English colony.
To have people man these defenses during periods of tension or alarm, the General Assembly
offered fifty acres of tax -ree land to anyone who
f
would come and settle along the palisade. This
how dramatically different Williamsburg' s historical landscape was from today' s partially recreated Colonial Williamsburg Historic Area.
In the early seventeenth century, the area
that we know today as the city of Williamsburg
was still a wilderness. Geographically speaking,
period saw the real beginnings of the bold settle-
the tidewater area of eastern Virginia consists of
process of clearing out the dense forests to open
up the landscape for agricultural use.'
ment of the interior and the almost constant
a series of peninsulas separated by a number of
large rivers that drain into the Chesapeake Bay.
Extending well inland into these peninsulas, especially the southernmost one where Williamsburg eventually came to be sited, were and still
Fifty acres of tax free land proved an incen-
tive for many English settlers, especially considering the nature of the colony' s main cash crop.
Tobacco, a lucrative but labor intensive crop,
are a number of tidal creeks and shallow, silted
exhausts the soil within a couple of years of its
wetlands. These creeks served the early English
initial planting. Thus, the acquisition of more
colonists as their first means of access to the
high, arable land was always a major concern
higher, interior portions of the peninsulas.
and priority for ambitious colonists. New En-
Vast forests consisting of pine, gum, maple,
poplar, beech, oak, and hickory trees covered
nearly all of eastern Virginia, including the future site of Williamsburg. The Native Americans living in the region before the arrival of
glish immigrants, arriving in Virginia also
English settlers had cleared a few areas of forest
acreage for agricultural purposes. Once the In-
area had become a farming community called
Middle Plantation." By late in the century,
dians abandoned or were pushed off these " old
most of the forest trees had been cleared from
Indian fields," the land was quickly appropriated by the English for their expanding farms
this ridge of high ground except those within
the ravines that cut into the area from both the
and pasturelands.' Some footpaths that wound
north and the south.° By 1695, Middle Planta-
through the forests eventually came to be used
by the English. These first roads into the inte-
tion was a small settlement consisting of the
rior provided more direct links with other re-
small brick church of Bruton Parish completed
mote English settlements, which, by the
in 1683, an ordinary or two, and perhaps a
dozen or so homes and several large farming en-
mid seventeenth
century,
were
sought land- owning opportunities.'
Especially important was the highest land on
the peninsula adjacent to the palisade. By the
third quarter of the seventeenth century, this
then new College of William and Mary, the
established
terprises. In fact, the very best quality tobacco
along the other tidewater rivers.'
Given the profound differences in culture
in Virginia at that time was grown at Middle
Plantation.'
and orientation toward land ownership and use,
In 1699, for a variety of reasons —not the
it was likely that Native Americans and settlers
would come into bloody conflict. Before 1620,
least of which was the good, inland location —
the English were somewhat circumspect about
the government moved the colony' s capital to
appropriating Indian lands for their own. How-
Middle Plantation and renamed the area Wil-
ever, after the Indian uprising of 1622, the En-
acquisition and use. They also became much
liamsburg. Governor Francis Nicholson soon
hired Charles City County surveyor Theodorick
Bland to provide a survey of a proposed new
more concerned about defending themselves
town. Bland's survey shows the boundaries of
glish considered all Indian lands fair game for
from sudden Indian attacks.'
the town proper ( encompassing 220 acres of
land)
The first major catalyst for change in the
area's landscape was the erection of a wooden
and what would become the arrow -
straight Duke of Gloucester Street superimposed upon the ridge of high ground and the
palisade during the 1630s to serve as a defensive
work, literally to wall off the lower peninsula
from further attacks by the Indians. Settlers
began construction in 1633, by cutting down
ravines adjacent to it that had formerly been
called Middle Plantation.' Subsequently, the
trees in a six-mile swath across the peninsula be-
area was divided into half - cre lots for sale and
a
development.
tween the York and James Rivers. Then they dug
a ditch along the path of the cleared area and
twenty years of the eighteenth century, the
drove the sharpened stakes of the palisade side -
colony' s public buildings were constructed and
by -side into the ditch. Upon its completion ( by
sited to provide visual " anchors" at the ends of
As the city slowly developed during the first
15
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
the streets. Some written evidence suggests
that, at first, Governor Nicholson attempted to
Bruton Parish Church, built in 1769, which still
stands near the center of the town. Because of
lay out some of the town's streets in the form of
a " W" and an " M," in honor of the reigning
English monarchs. But today, despite much
its height and the openness of the surrounding
speculation as to where, how, and even if this
dominant and important visual landmark in this
work might have been accomplished, we still
larger landscape for many generations.
During the Civil War Peninsula Campaign in
countryside for a considerable distance, the
Bruton steeple was perhaps the single most
don't know very much about this curious bit of
historical trivia. In any event, by 1720, as pub-
1862, a rear -guard action was fought just to the
lic buildings
east of Williamsburg. Union engineer officer
Robert K. Sneeden sketched a map of the bat-
took form and more
private
dwellings were constructed in the new city, the
streets were finally straightened out and aligned
tlefield with its network of roads and fortifica-
much as we still see them today.'
No paintings or other visual evidence survive
tions and illustrated what the surrounding
to indicate what Williamsburg and the surrounding area looked like during the eighteenth
century, but at least eight travelers to Williamsburg during that period left written accounts
ground and which areas were covered in timber
and descriptions of the area. Several of these re-
tested portion of the battlefield: the ground
around Confederate Fort Magruder, which was
landscape was like. He indicated what was open
at the time. Then, he or a fellow officer also
drew a panoramic sketch looking over the same
area from east to west, showing the most con-
peatedly mention that, by the 1780s, Williamsburg was situated upon " a sandy, open plain" and
built to defend the old main road from York-
was visible from a considerable distance to trav-
town and Hampton. At that time, one could
elers approaching it from either east or west. 10
clearly see the skyline of the city of Williams-
The earliest pictorial impression we have of
burg only a mile or so to the west, including the
this area is a panoramic drawing made by James
steeple of Bruton Parish Church and the twin
Austin Graham from inside the Public Hospital
Italianate towers of the College of William and
about 1860, on the eve of the American Civil
Mary' s Main Building ( now restored to its eighteenth- century appearance and known as the
Wren Building)."
Corroborating evidence of the open character of the Williamsburg landscape and the accuracy of that aspect of Graham's drawing, in
particular, is graphically provided by late -nine-
War. Looking north from a vantage point just
south of present -day Newport Avenue, Gra-
ham's drawing graphically illustrates that the
open character of the landscape mentioned in
eighteenth- century travelers' accounts had not
changed much by the mid -nineteenth century.
What caused this wide -open landscape? The
teenth -century photographs of the Magazine.
area had long been an agricultural landscape,
Two of these photographs ( Figure 1) give a clear
and, at that time, farming was obviously still a
idea of the expansive views and vistas of the
very important use of the land surrounding the
city." Decades of continuous clearing of land for
surrounding rural countryside once visible to
people walking on Duke of Gloucester Street.
Aside from early photographs, a comparison
between eighteenth- century maps and some
early aerial photography, also dramatically illus-
agricultural use, initially for tobacco and later
for corn and wheat, opened up the landscape.
Livestock required pasture and grazing land.
Also, consumption of Local timber resources
had a major effect on the appearance of the
trates how much the vegetation of this area has
landscape. Timber for building materials and
particular interest is a 1782 map of the area that
changed within a -period of two centuries. Of
the continuous demand for firewood for cook-
was drawn by chief French engineer officer
ing and heating began as soon as the area was
Jean -Nicolas Desandrouins ( Figure 2). 14 The
first settled and never lessened for the next 250
map' s orientation places north ( the direction of
years or so. Timber was also a significant export
the York River) on the left and the James River
from Virginia. Even before the end of the eigh-
to the south and at the right. The city of
teenth century, timber resources had apparently
become so scarce in the Williamsburg area that
firewood was being cut on tracts of land in Surry
County, conveyed across the James River on
barges, and sold at weekly markets held in
Williamsburg's Market Square."
Among the landmarks that appear so prominently in Graham's drawing is the tall steeple of
Williamsburg is shown in the center. A similarly
oriented 1954 high aerial photo ( Figure 2)
shows almost exactly the same area and reveals
significantly more forest vegetation, as indicated by the dark black areas.
The French were acknowledged as the consummate
engineers
and
cartographers
of the
eighteenth century, but can we take them liter16
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
Figure I. These two late nineteenth -century photos of the Magazine show examples of the clear vistas visible from Duke of Gloucester Street
ally? Do their maps truly represent the actual,
physical conditions during that period? A close
comparison of Desandrouins' s map with this
ties. At an increasingly rapid rate, lands that
had formerly been farmed were allowed to go
and other aerial photographs helps prove that
pay the taxes or hire the laborers necessary to
farm them. Predictably, within a few years, the
fallow when owners could no longer afford to
the eighteenth- century French maps of Williamsburg are very detailed and surprisingly ac-
natural vegetation regenerated itself on idle
curate. ( See the 1927 aerial photograph of
actual conditions on the ground ( Figure 3).
farmlands. By 1955, a large portion of both
James City and York Counties had become
Today, we typically create accurate maps from
aerial and satellite photography. Amazingly, the
heavily re- forested.
French did it all with ground -level surveys.
account stating that a wonderful view of the en-
Even so, they managed to show all of the topographic features and old road networks with a
tire city could be seen from the cupola of the
Main Building at William and Mary. He went on
high degree of accuracy. There is no reason,
to state that the James River was easily seen from
therefore, to doubt their representations of
open fields, wooded areas, and other details.
view the waters of the York River." In December
By the early to middle years of the twentieth
century, this entire region had become heavily
view of the area from the Wren cupola. I wanted
In 1777, traveler Ebenezer Hazard wrote an
that vantage point, and, on a clear day, one could
1988, curious about this description, I tested the
forested once again. What caused this dramatic
to do this test specifically at that time of year so
that trees in leaf would not obscure my vision.
Not surprisingly, I ultimately discovered that, be-
change?
Beginning in the third quarter of the nineteenth century, farming and agriculture was
cause of the vegetative growth of trees in this
much reduced on the land immediately adja-
area since 1777, today, one cannot even glimpse
cent to the city as well as the surrounding coun-
either river from the cupola.
Figure 2. The 1954 areial photo at the right
is oriented to match the Desandrouins map
at left. In each case, north ( the York River)
appears at the left.
17
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Figure 3. The 1927 aerial photograph at left provides evidence of the accuracy of Desandrouins' s map ( detail on right).
Other changes in the area's visual appear-
This map again clearly shows how the town's
ance were brought about simply by the rapid
gridded plan was superimposed over the Middle
march of progress after the tum of the twentieth
ment in World War I, the American military
Plantation landscape, which was cut by several
deep, natural ravines. Early town inhabitants
simply lived with the inconvenience of streets
began acquiring huge tracts of rural and forested
winding around and through several of these
land near Williamsburg for new army and navy
bases. During this period, Fort Eustis and the
ravines. This condition started to change by
Yorktown Naval Weapons Station were estab-
Gloucester Street necessitated removing earth
lished. 16 Camp Peary and Cheatham Annex
were created during World War II. Predictably,
in some places, filling in at others, and building
the increasing military presence rapidly brought
a demand for new housing. Land values began to
As inconvenient as ravines might once have
been for carriages and wagons to negotiate, they
had, however, functioned for decades to drain
increase as former farmlands were sold to
storm water runoff from the center of town to
builders for new housing subdivisions around
the adjacent creeks and rivers to the north and
the city. The resulting real estate development
the south. ( Despite some silting, piping, and
boom has continued unabated until this day. By
the 1920s, larger numbers of people with money
partial filling, several of these ravines continue
to function in this manner today.) When
century. In 1917, with United States involve-
about 1720. Eventually, irregularities in Duke of
causeways over low areas.
a large influx of people into the area and created
and influence demanded
modern
city
amenities
and services, including
lighted
and
paved
streets. Such improvements
certainly
tributed
much
conto
the
changes in the area's appearance
over
time."
Even more recently, one
of
the
most
profound
changes to the town's appearance
through
of
came
about
the
restoration
Colonial
Williams-
burg, begun in 1927.
The famous map of
Williamsburg drawn by
an unknown Frenchman
in 1782 ( Figure 4) sur-
Figure 4. The Frenchman's Map shows Williamsburg' s
vived into this century.
grid pattern superimposed on the landscape.
18
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
ravines had to be completely filled in, storm
water was channeled into brick culverts built
today that we cannot really escape the effect of
time' s passage on the landscape or prevent it
underground to carry the water through these
from happening. All that today's staff can really
filled - areas and under Duke of Gloucester
in
hope to do is to respond to it in ways that will
Street, then on to open ravines. These would
help us to maintain the ambience and the es-
not be simple projects to complete using modern earthmoving equipment. Consider that all
this work was done in the eighteenth century
using only horses, carts, and manual ( undoubtedly slave) labor!'
sential spirit of this very special place.
Our generation, and all future generations,
must ever balance the competing needs to grow
and evolve and use this land, while attempting
to preserve as much of the historical character
This is a historical example of the cause -and-
effect relationship that exists between grading
of old Williamsburg as possible. To do this, our
generation will need to keep the impact of more
and earthmoving and the rainwater that runs
dramatic man made changes to a minimum.
off during and after storms. Regardless of
Colonial Williamsburg, the College of William
and Mary, and the City of Williamsburg must,
together, make this goal a top priority in order
changes in a landscape' s appearance, each gen-
eration must deal with some practical things to
to prevent further visual intrusions and to preserve intact for future generations the essential
spirit" of this wonderful, venerable, historic place.
make a community more livable and convenient for humans.
An old photograph of Williamsburg, taken
about 1888 from the vantage point of the old
Bright farmhouse, located behind William and
Mary on Richmond Road, shows just how
Figure 5. This late- nineteenth- century photo —
taken from the vantage point of what is now
recently some of these changes occurred
the Alumni House
Figure 5). Little more than a cen-
tury ago, Williamsburg still stood
things have changed in the past
hundred years.
on its " open plain," just as
travelers to the area had
described
it
earlier!
Helen
The college build-
the English: A Case of
to the right in the
and,
over
Rountree,
The Powhatans and
ings are visible off
photo,
at William and
Mary —points out how drastically
Multiple
Conflicting
Agendas," in Powhatan For-
to
eign Relations, 1500 - 1722, ed.
the left, the landmark on
Helen C. Rountree ( Charlottes-
the skyline is the Bruton
Parish Church steeple. Things
ville, Va.: University Press of Virginia);
reprinted in Taking Possession Storyline Resource Book ( Williamsburg, Va.: Colonial
Williamsburg Foundation, 2000), 19, 22 -23.
began to change dramatically only
two or three decades after this photo-
A. Lawrence Kocher and Howard Dearstyne,
graph was taken. This is the only known,
surviving visual evidence of the historical,
Shadows in Silver: A Record of Virginia. 1850 - 1900 in Contemporary Photographs taken by George and Heustis Cook with
open, agricultural setting indicated on period
Additions from the Cook Collection (New York: Charles Scrib-
maps and referred to in travelers' accounts.
neis Sons, 1954), 43.
Today, the Bright family house serves as head-
Rountree, " Powhatans and the English," reprinted in
Taking Possession, 19, 24, 30.
M. Kent Brinkley, "An Account of the Development
of Middle Plantation and the Early Days of Williamsburg,"
in Taking Possession Storyline Resource Book, 185 - 186.
quarters for the William and Mary Society of
the Alumni. Subsequent development has filled
in formerly open fields that came right up to the
oldest part of the town until about 1900.
Rountree, " Powhatans and the English," reprinted in
Photographic documentation within the last
Taking Possession, 19.
John W. Reps, Tidewater Towns: City Planning in Colonial Virginia and Maryland ( Williamsburg, Va.: Colonial
Williamsburg Foundation, 1972), 143. That this cleared,
open landscape likely existed by the late eighteenth century
century or so provides vivid evidence of how
dramatic some of the changes in Williamsburg' s
vegetation and topography have been. Despite
the seemingly " timeless" character that appears
is also suggested by the fact that firewood for heating and
cooking had by then become a scarce commodity within the
to endure from year to year at Colonial
local area. See Archibald Bolling Shepperson, John Paradise
Williamsburg, change is still an integral part of
the dynamic nature of our landscape. Although
and Lucy Ludwell of London and Williamsburg ( Richmond,
our predecessors at Colonial Williamsburg
proved that they could arrest certain changes by
effectively " turning back the clock," we realize
1724), " the land in the latitude between these Rivers [ York
Va.: The Dietz Press, Inc., 1942), 44, 323, 395 - 396.
According to Hugh Jones in his Present State of Virginia
and James] seeming most nicely adapted for the sweet19
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
scented, or the finest tobacco"; quoted in E. Thomas Crow-
Shepperson, Paradise and Ludwell, 44, 323, 395- 396.
son, Life As Revealed Through Early American Court Records
Easley, S. C.: Southern Historical Press, 1981), 135.
8 Reps, Tidewater Towns, 143 - 148. Bland' s survey also
References to the sale of timber bringing a good price in the
showed the landings at the east and west ends of town and
eighteenth century.
the roads leading to them.
M. Kent Brinkley, comp., " Eyewitness Accounts of
Williamsburg in the 18th and 19th Centuries," in Taking
Possession Story line Resource Book, 203 - 214. For detailed de-
Edward R. Crews, " The Battle ofWilliamsburg," Colonial Williamsburg 18 ( Summer 1996): 14 - 15, 16- 17.
4 Martha W McCartney, " Jean-Nicolas Desandrouins
and His Overlooked Map of 18th -Century Williamsburg,"
scriptions and analysis of the probable nature of the alter-
Colonial Williamsburg 21 ( December 1999/ January 2000):
ations and improvements, see
44- 48.
market in Williamsburg indicate that firewood was being
transported a considerable distance to town by the late
Reps, Tidewater Towns,
Brinkley, comp., "Eyewitness Accounts," in Taking Pos-
148 - 149, 156 - 170.
session, 211.
1° Brinkley, comp., Eyewitness Accounts," in Taking Pos-
10 Will Molineux, " Penniman and the Powder Plant
session, 203 - 205.
Boom," Colonial Williamsburg 22 ( Summer 2000): 63- 68.
Will Molineux, " Williamsburg Enlists in World War
For a good, detailed photograph of this panoramic
drawing, see George Humphrey Yetter, Williamsburg Before
and After: The Rebirth of Virginia' s Colonial Capital
Williamsburg, Va.: The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation,
II," Colonial Williamsburg 22 ( Summer 2000): 70- 75.
M. Kent Brinkley, "The Lay of the Land," Interpreter
12 ( May 1991): 1- 4.
1988), 32 -33.
The Education of the Native American in Colonial
Virginia, with Particular Regard to the Brafferton School
by Terri Keffert
Terri, a former visitor aide in the Historic Area, is
now in the Department of Archaeological Research.
eache towne, citty, Borrough, and particular plantation do obtaine unto them-
selves by just means a certain number of
the natives' children to be educated by
them in the true religion and civile course
of life —of which children the most Cowardly boyes in witt and graces of nature
to be brought up by them in the first elements of litterature, so to be fitted for the
The Indian Mound," sketch by Lewis Miller.
College intended for them, that from
thence they may be sente to that work of
was a two -fold idea, however. It was believed
conversion.
First Representative Assembly
that by persuading them to live in the manner of
the incoming Europeans, the Native Americans
Jamestown, 1619'
would be more amenable to the intrusions of this
new culture, thus making it easier for the
From the earliest English settlement in North
colonists to encroach upon the native land
without fear of warfare. These motivations were
America, the notion of educating the Indians
was commonplace in conversation. To the eth-
communicated over and over again in colonial
nocentric colonists, education meant civilizing
Virginia. But success was usually short -lived.
the Indians by converting them to the teachings
Early Attempts at Indian Education
of the Gospel. This christianization of the Na-
tive Americans, colonists felt, was an important
As early as 1609, Sir Thomas Gates' s expedi-
agent of acculturation. The Indians would not
tion to Jamestown, brought special instructions
only learn the philosophies of Christianity, but
they would be " encouraged" to wear the clothes
from the Virginia Company regarding the edu-
of, grow the food of, and learn the language of
King James I authorized the collection of money
the Europeans. In doing so, the Indians would
for the creation of churches and schools for the
see the error of their " savage" ways. Education
education of Indian children in the New World.
cation of the natives' Later, in 1619, England' s
20
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
Henricus Colledge, in Virginia, was to be
funded by some of these donations.'
The founders of Henricus Colledge intended
to provide formal schooling for the nearby Algonquian tribes. The London Company supported the school by granting one thousand
acres of land for this purpose. However, squan-
dering of money, reluctance by the natives to
leave their children there, and finally the Indian
uprising of 1622 proved England's first attempt
at Indian schooling unsuccessful. Henricus
Colledge closed without ever having a book,
building, teacher, or student'
Benefactors continued to look with interest
toward this cause throughout the seventeenth
century. One bequest of £300 to " the College in
Virginia" stipulated that if the school had fewer
than ten Indian students, the funds would go to
three men who would " bring up three of the Infidels children in Christian Religion and some
good course to live by."' ( The sheltering and tutoring of young Indians in colonists' homes was
not uncommon in the 1600s, as they often
served essentially as indentured servants.)`
Brafferton Indian School
Survey map, Brafferton ( Yorkshire), 1855. Courtesy, North Yorkshire County Record Office.
at the College of
William and Mary in Virginia was also the result
of such benevolence.
The Boyle Fund
Robert Boyle, a noted chemist and natural
philosopher, was an active member of the Soci-
ety for the Propagation of the Gospel in New
England ( also known as the New England Com-
pany or S.P.G.) and very interested in missionary work among the Native Americans. Upon
his death in 1691, he expressed the desire that
part of his estate be put to "pious and charitable
uses. "' Boyle left £5, 400 to be used for this pur-
pose, and the money was invested ( as was typical at the time) in an English farm in Yorkshire,
known as Brafferton Manor. The profits from
the manor were to be split between two colonies
and used for the education of Indian children,
as directed by Boyle' s will. Commissary James
The Christian Faith Society ( CFS) was estab-
Blair of Virginia made sure that Virginia was
lished in England by a bequest in Robert
one of those colonies.'
Boyle' s will in 1691 to oversee the funds that
were to be used to advance the Christian reli-
Blair set sail for England in 1691 to secure a
charter from King William III for a long -awaited
gion amongst the " infidels." This included the
college in Virginia. While looking for support
there, he got wind of Boyle' s legacy and added a
administration of yearly rents from Brafferton
Manor in Yorkshire, England, much of which
was sent to the College of William and Mary.
section to his proposed charter dedicated to
the propagation of the Christian faith amongst
The CFS erected plaques like this above the
the Western Indians. "' This addition secured a
doorways of dwellings on the Brafferton Es-
portion of Boyle' s much needed legacy for the
tate whose rents went into the Boyle trust.
newly chartered College of William and Mary.
After distributing £90 per year of the profits to
21
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
the New England Company for missionary work
BRAFFERTON SCHOOL TIMETABLE
and the education of New England Indians at
their Harvard school, the trust allotted the
1691— Boyle Trust funds secured
rest —£200 per year —to the establishment of
92
an Indian school in Virginia.'° The Virginia As-
1693
Charter for the College of William and
sembly designated the site of the college as
Middle Plantation, which in
Mary obtained
1699 became
1694
Williamsburg.
Grammar school started under charter,
occupying nearby schoolhouse
The Boyle allotment came with some strings.
The executors —Richard Boyle, first earl of
1697
Two sides of College quadrangle erected
Burlington, and Henry Amhurst, treasurer of
1698
College officially opened, despite incomplete building complex
1700
First Native American children arrived
1705
College building destroyed by fire ( Oct.
the S. P.G.— specified in the fund's settlement
agreement that a list of student names, numbers
in attendance, and representative accounting
be sent to them once a year. They also stipu-
29). Classes both for grammar students
and Indian children held in town, possi-
lated that the money must be used to furnish
lodgings and rooms for the Indian children. The
bly at schoolhouse. ( Hugh Jones wrote
president of the college and his successors must
that prior to 1716, Indian students were
keep the children " in Sicknesse and health in
Meat drink Washing Lodgeing Cloathes Medi-
lodged in town where classes were
held.)'
cines bookes and Educacon from the first begin-
1705
Governor Nicholson expelled; replaced
ning of Letters till they are ready to receive
by Edward Nott
Orders. ""
1706
Nott died; Edmund Jennings, president
of the Council, became acting governor
The Brafferton School Opens
1710
The first Indian students arrived in 1700,
Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spots-
wood arrived in Williamsburg
two years after the college officially opened."
Francis Nicholson, govemor at the time, took a
1714— Indian school operated at Fort Chris 18
Canna
old the students should be and what they
1716
Partially rebuilt college building in use
should learn. He sent mandates out with Indian
1723
traders instructing them to make the tribes
College building completed; Brafferton
building erected to house Indian stu-
aware of the school and its visions.
dents and their schoolmaster, although
Students should ideally be seven or eight
years old, Nicholson felt. They would be taught
the three R's— reading, writing, and religion —
no students reported that year'
personal interest in the school, deciding how
1727
First statutes of the College of William
and Mary written
that became the foundation of the curriculum
1729
for the next seventy years of the school' s exis-
Original college charter, finally signed;
control of college
tence. ( Vulgar arithmetic was added to that cur-
transferred from
trustees to president, masters, and pro-
riculum in the 1727 Statutes of the College.)"
fessors, as specified
Nicholson also desired that the students learn
Library created in Brafferton building
ca.
arts and sciences like the " best Englishmen's
1732
sons do leam. "14 A fire in 1705, however, con1777
and furnishings, making it nearly impossible to
Brafferton school closed
1787
sumed the college building and all of its records
Boyle funds redirected to the West Indies
know what the policies and operations of the
school actually were before that time.
During a visit to Williamsburg in 1724, Hugh
Jones wrote that, prior to the rebuilding of the
Hugh Jones, The Present State of Virginia from
Whence Is Inferred a Short View of Maryland and North
Carolina, ed. Richard L. Morton ( Chapel Hill, N. C.:
college in 1716, Indian students were boarded
The University of North Carolina Press for the Vir-
and lodged in the town, and classes held. He
ginia Historical Society, 1956), 114.
noted that many of the Indians died from " sickness, change of provision and way of life; or as
M. R. M. Goodwin, " Historical Notes: College of
William and Mary," Colonial Williamsburg Foundation Research Notes, Rockefeller Library, 1954,
vi — and Robert Beverley, The History and Present
vii;
State of Virginia in Four Parts ( London, 1922), 266.
some will have it, often through want of proper
necessaries and due care taken with them." Liv-
ing in close quarters with the English would
have intensified the risk of exposure to foreign
22
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
diseases. Some medical records from the 1730s
and 1740s recount treatment of several of the
MASTERS OF
students for illnesses. To date, however, there
THE BRAFFERTON SCHOOL'
are no known records or diary notations revealing the thoughts of and interactions between
the Indian students and townspeople during the
early 1700s."
Christopher Jackson
from Ft. Christanna Indian School)
Rev. John Fox ( age 23)
governor of Virginia. His problems began shortly
1738 - 55
Emmanuel Jones
tention to the frontier where settlers feared
1755 - 77
Rev. John Bracken
attack. But Spotswood saw this as an opportu-
nity to promote some of his projects. He had alsupporter
1737 - 38
Rev. Thomas Dawson
carora Indians in North Carolina drew his at-
enthusiastic
1729 - 37'
Rev. Robert Barret
after he assumed office in 1710. Warring Tus-
an
1718 - 24'
1728 - 29
Richard Cocke
that Alexander Spotswood stood as lieutenant
been
1716 - 18?
Charles Griffin
Indian enrollment peaked during the years
ways
1710 - 16
Christopher Smith
1777 - 79?
Karen A. Stuart, "` So Good a Work': The Braf-
of
ferton School, 1691 - 1777" ( M.A. thesis, College of
educating the Indians. He felt that the educa-
William and Mary, 1984), 87, unless otherwise noted.
Edward Porter Alexander, ed., The Journal ofJahn
tion of their children kept the Indian tribes
Fontaine: An Irish Huguenot Son in Spain and Virginia
friendly with the crown. It was also a means of
converting the whole Indian population to
Christianity and of encouraging them to live as
1710 - 1719 ( Williamsburg: Colonial Williamsburg
Foundation, 1972), 157.
Stuart, "`So Good a Work,'
36. It became com-
compliant neighbors to the colonists. 16 This war,
and the subsequent Yamasee War, allowed
mon practice, starting withJohn Fox in 1729, to select
Spotswood to enforce participation in his educa-
to be grammar usher, and then promoted to Indian
as Indian master " a talented student ...
chosen first
master as a vacancy occurred."
tional scheme, while looking like a benevolent
patriarch. He took it upon himself to oversee
two such educational endeavors: the continua-
queen of Pumunkey sent her own son with a
boy to attend him, along with two other chiefs'
sons, already dressed in the English manner. By
1712, twenty-four students reportedly attended
tion of Nicholson's and Blair' s efforts to estab-
lish a successful Indian school at the College of
William and Mary and the creation of an Indian
school farther west at Fort Christanna.
the Brafferton School, representing each of the
Initially, many of the Brafferton School's Indian
students were native children taken in war
nine tributary nations."
by remote tribes. Spotswood frowned on such
doings. In 1711, he asked that the tributary
This vast jump in enrollment was more than
the Boyle fund could handle. Not wanting to
tribes, in return for protection, to show good fi-
turn anyone away, Spotswood appealed to the
General Assembly and then to the bishop of
delity by giving their children to be educated at
the College. The Indians, however, needed reassurance of his promise to clothe, care for, and
London for additional funds. None were forth -
educate their children, since, as Spotswood
lowing year because Spotswood' s attention
shifted to creating an Indian school in the west
coming.19 However, enrollment declined the fol-
wrote in a letter to Lord Dartmouth, "they were
indeed a little shy of yielding to this proposal,
at Fort Christanna.
and urged the breach of a former Compact
made long ago by this Govemment, when instead of their Children receiving the promised
An Indian School at Fort Christanna
education they were transported ( as they say) to
other Countrys and sold as Slaves, but 1 have
ated the need for a fort on the westem Virginia
Fear of retribution by warring tribes generfrontier. Fort Christanna's secondary role as an
Indian trading post helped to establish a suc-
had the good fortune to remove any such Jealousie and have convinced them by my freely
parting with my own dues that there is no such
cessful Indian school. The Indian Trade Act,
passed in 1714 by the Virginia Assembly, guar-
intention now." ( Spotswood offered to remit the
anteed a twenty-year trade monopoly to the
annual tribute of twenty beaver skins to the
poverty- stricken tribes.) 17
The children were allowed to bring one person along to serve them. Many tribes responded
immediately. The Nansemonds, Nottoways, and
Virginia Indian Company, located at the fort. In
return, the company had to construct and
maintain a schoolhouse. After two years, a per-
centage of the company's profits would be put
toward the school's expenses. 2°
Fort Christanna, named in honor of Christ
Meherrins sent two of their chiefs' sons. The
23
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
and Queen Anne, was completed in 1715 in
Christanna closed, and Charles Griffin was sent
what is today Brunswick County. Children from
to Williamsburg to be Indian master at the Braf-
the Brafferton School were transferred to Fort
ferton School.
Christanna in 1715, and additional tributary Indian tribes were offered the same remittancefor- children deal as the others received a few
years earlier. Spotswood included the incentive
of discounted prices on goods at the fort to
The Brafferton Building
those agreeing to send their children to the
because of Spotswood's attentions and enthusi-
school. Also, any Indian who completed his ed-
asms toward the frontier. In 1716, after the re-
ucation at either Brafferton or Christanna
would receive shares in the Virginia Indian
construction of the college building that had
been destroyed in the fire of 1705, newly arrived
Company."
The winning personality and warmth of
Indian master Christopher Smith petitioned the
Charles Griffin, the Indian master at Fort Chris -
pounds of tobacco ( roughly £ 20) per annum,
tanna, secured the success of the school. An ex-
perienced Anglican lay reader and " A Man of
good Family, who by the Innocence of his Life,
provide him free pasturage for his horse and
firewood for his chamber, and permit him to
tutor English children as well —unheard of until
and the Sweetness of his Temper, [ Griffin] was
then —since the number of Indian students was
perfectly well qualify'd for that pious undertaking. Besides, he had so much the Secret of mixing Pleasure with Instruction, that he had not a
so few. The Visitors agreed, with the provision
that " a partition be erected ... to separate the
said English children from the Indians. ' Even
Scholar, who did not love him affectionately,"
the transfer of Charles Griffin to Williamsburg
wrote William Byrd. Spotswood felt so strongly
in 1718 did little to boost enrollment.
about both Griffin and the mission of the school
that he paid Griffin £ 50 a year out of his own
Boyle trust funds were accumulating because
of the lack of students. Blair, fearing the bene-
pocket. By June of 1715, Spotswood could report seventy children —both boys and girls —at
the school. By that fall, many students could re-
factors in England might redirect the funds to
cite the Lord' s Prayer and Creed, he bragged to
When, in 1723, renewed enthusiasm for Indian
While the Fort Christanna School existed,
the number of Indian students at the College of
William and Mary drastically declined, probably
college' s Board of Visitors to grant him 2, 500
other schools in the North, considered how to
use the temptingly large amount in escrow.
the bishop of London."
At its prime, just a year after
opening, the school boasted an enrollment of one hundred students.
But as quickly as it opened, the
school rapidly came to an end. In
1717, crown officials disallowed the
monopolistic Indian Trade Act and
terminated the Virginia Indian Com-
pany, which had provided the funding for the school. The school at Fort
Map showing the
relative locations
of the Brafferton
School at the Col-
lege of William
and Mary and
Fort Christanna.
24
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
ble for its Georgian period design, but
no records reveal its builder' s indentity.
Records show that the President's
House, constructed in similar fashion,
was built by Cary.) The Brafferton had
four rooms to a floor ( including hall),
with apartments for the Indian master
and students. The Indian master may
have resided in two of the smaller
rooms on the first or second floor, as
was the custom for college professors.
The classroom was likely the large room
on the first floor, and records indicate a
large room above the Indian school
served as a library. The students probably slept in the remaining rooms"
The Brafferton, College of William and Mary,
The Brafferton School remained
Williamsburg, Virginia.
open until 1777, after the start of the Revolu-
education blossomed, Blair ordered the con-
dians. This made it the " longest continually
struction of the Brafferton building even
though no Indian students were attending the
operated school for Indians in the British
tionary War, and educated an estimated 111 In-
Thomas Jefferson briefly entertained the idea of reviving the Brafferton
colonies. ""
school at the time.
Contemporary accounts of the building de-
School in his reorganization of the College of
scribe it as three stories tall and made ofVirginia
William and Mary. Any revival using Boyle
funds was permanently dismissed in 1787 when
Beilby Porteus, the bishop of London and sole
trustee of " the Charity of the Honourable
brick. Henry Cary, Jr., may have been responsiThe Bishop of London, one of the ex-
Robert Boyle," diverted the whole of the Boyle
ecutors of the Boyle trust, wrote to the
estate' s
charity' s monetary agent instructing that
proceeds
toward " the conversion and
religious instruction of the Negroes in the
no further payments were to be made to
British West -India Islands. "16
the _
College of William and Mary due to
the
independence of America. This
prompted a legal petition to be sent from
A "Noble Failure"
For all the detail and expenditure, the Braf-
Williamsburg, claiming rights to the funds.
Addressing the High Court of Chancery of
ferton School never fully recovered from its decline in 1713, an experience shared by colonial
Great Britain, the plaintiffs ( James Madison, president of the College, George
attempts throughout the eighteenth century to
Charles
educate the Native Americans. Many have
Bellini) asked that the Brafferton Estate be
sold and the proceeds reinvested in Vir-
tried to explain the reasons behind this educational system's failure.
Wythe, Robert Andrews,
and
As early as 1728, William Byrd expressed his
ginia, where the land was rising in value so
quickly that the funds were sure to double
misgivings about the methods of educating the
Indians:
in a just few years.
Not surprisingly, the request was denied. In 1794, the Christian Faith Society,
And here I must lament the bad Success
Mr. Boyle' s Charity has hitherto had towards converting any of these poor Heathens to Christianity. Many children of
our Neighbouring Indians have been
which had administered the trust since its
beginning, was re- established as the Society for the Conversion and Religious Instruction and Education of the Negro
Slaves in the British West India Islands,
brought up in the College of William and
Mary. They have been taught to read and
write, and have been carefully Instructed
after the funds had been redirected to the
same.
in the Principles of the Christian Religion,
till they came to be men. Yet after they re-
Christian Faith Papers, F3, if 132 - 135,
Lambeth Palace Library,
possibly 15 August 1786)
turn'd home, instead of civilizeing and
converting the rest, they have immediately
25
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
BRAFFERTON SCHOOL STUDENTS'
Year
Number of
Details
Students
1711
10
1 Chickahomony, 2 Meherrins, 2 Nansemonds, 2 Nottoways,
3 Pumunkeys
20
1712
1713
17
1721
02
1723
plus 4 " brought years ago"
0
in the past as many as 7 or 8 at a time; now can get very few"
1732 "
1736 - 42
min. of 3
Will[ iam Jeffries], Thomson, Jno. Ward
1743
min. of 4
Scarborough, Stephen, tomkins, Jno. Ward, " two Boys"
1745
min.
Stephen
1754
8
William Cooke, Gideon Langston, John Langston, Charles Mur-
phy ( possibly a misspelling of Mursh / Mush), John Sampson,
Thomas Sampson, Wiliam Squirrell (Nansemond), John Montour
mixed Indian / French -Canadian)'
1755
8
William Cooke, Gideon Langston, John Langston, Charles Mur-
phy, John Sampson, Thomas Sampson, Willam Squirrell, John
Montour]
1763
3
1764
3
John Sampson
1765
3
John Tawhaw
1767
2
1768
3
1769
min. of 2
1770
5
1771
5
1772
5
1773
5
1774
5
1775
6
Robert Mush ( aka Marsh, Mursh), George Sampson ( both Pamunkeys)
John Nettles
Mons. Baubee, George Sampson, Reuben Sampson ( latter two Pamunkeys)
1776
5
1777
1
James Gunn, Edmund Sampson ( both Pamunkeys)
Karen A. Stuart, "' So Good a Work': The Brafferton School, 1691 - 1777a ( M.A. thesis, College of William and
Mary, 1984), 85, unless otherwise noted.
James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America ( New York: Oxford University
Press, 1985), 193. Axtell maintains there were no students in 1721 or 1723. Griffin was teaching English students.
Helen C. Rountree, Pocahontas s People: The Powhatan Indians of Virginia Through Four Centuries ( Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 170, states that five surnames were Pamunkey; Stuart, ' So Good a Work," 58 -59.
Montour commanded a company of Delaware Indians on the American side in 1782. John or Gideon Langston was
probably the grandfather of John Mercer Langston, the first black from Virginia to be elected to the U. S. House of Representatives.
Stuart, ' "So Good a Work,'" 58. Gov. Dinwiddie wrote of two Indian runaways in a letter to Cherokee leaders,
thought perhaps to be Cooke and J. Langston.
26
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fail 2000
Relapt into Infidelity and Barbarism
While these provincial attempts at educat-
themselves. And some of them too have
ing the Indian ultimately failed, some earlier
made the worst use of the Knowledge they
acquir'd among the English, by employing
methods met with success. The New England
it against their Benefactors.['
the theory that Indian children and their par-
praying towns" of the mid -1600s operated on
ents might be more receptive to education if the
Well after the Revolution, American com-
instructor was one of their own. Success was
missioners of a Scottish missionary society did a
study of educated Indians that came to similar
further secured by commissioning and publish-
ing translations of fourteen works ( including
conclusions: While the Indian child learned
the Bible) into the native Natick dialect. The
some useful knowledge, he was no longer ac-
destruction of these towns during King Philip's
cepted as he once was in his own tribe. " He is
War in 1675 ended the experiment"
neither a white man nor an Indian." To be an
equal member of his tribe again, he had to re-
Jefferson, speaking about the failure of the
Brafferton School, anticipated the thoughts of
turn to his native ways of life, denouncing the
many modem students of history:
acquired habits" of the English. Among the
whites, he was forever reminded of his social in-
The purposes of the Brafferton would be
feriority. The commissioners noted that several
of the Indians who chose to live in the manner
better answered by maintaining a perpetual
mission among the Indian tribes, the object
taught them by the English " took refuge from
their contempt in the inebriating draught" with
of which, besides instructing them in the
principles of Christianity, as the founder
death
requires, should be to collect their traditions, laws, customs, languages, and other
Comments from the Indians themselves re-
circumstances which might lead to a dis-
flected some of their feelings about colonial ed-
covery of their relation with one another, or
ucation. An unnamed Indian chief stated his
descent from other nations. When these
reasons for not sending his boys to the Brafferton School, perhaps speaking for most: " When
they [ the Indian students] came back to us,
they were bad runners, ignorant of every means
of living in the wood, unable to bear either cold
objects are accomplished with one tribe, the
downward progress, ...
rapid, and ...
premature. " e
or hunger ...
missionary might pass on to another."
No " praying towns" existed in Virginia, and
there is no evidence of missionaries going to live
among the Powhatan villages or helping the Indians to integrate Christianity into their own religion and beliefs. One exception may have
been the 1770 proposal to build an academy in
New Kent County that would admit both In-
were therefore neither fit for
hunters, warriors, nor councilors; they were totally good for nothing." Elsewhere, the Iroquois
offered to instead educate white boys in their
own Indian manner and " make men of them.""
dian and English students. However, it seems
Why did it all ultimately fail? One historian
states that " English classical schooling for Indians fresh from the forest was, in short, the wrong
method for the wrong people at the wrong
time." The Indians were unwilling to leave their
not to have come to fruition."
children voluntarily with people they ultimately
the respect and dignity that they deserved.
found to be hostile and untrustworthy. Exposure
Fewer promises would have been broken, and
to the diseases of their European neighbors re-
sulted in illness and death for many of the sus-
societies might have lived together in harmony.
America's turbulent history could have been
ceptible children. Those who survived the
changed for the better.
If a universal attempt had been made to go
beyond the European ethnocentrism and un-
derstand the Native Americans' cultures, the
colonists might have regarded the Indians with
encounter still had to endure a drastic cultural
change. Corporal punishment, strange clothing
Angie Debo, A History of the Indians of the United States
Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1970), 41.
and living arrangements, and the hostilities
spawned by prejudices both outside their race
and within, discouraged many. The curriculum
can Colonies, 1607 -1783 ( Albuquerque: University of New
and the manner in which it was taught did not
Mexico Press, 1988), 53.
excite them. What use was it to learn classical
Debo, History of the Indians, 41.
Szasz, Indian Education, 54; Debo, History of the Indians,
41; and James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of
2 Margaret Connell Szasz, Indian Education in the Ameri-
prose and poetry from countries far from their
own home? Catechism was taught using abstract
Cultures in Colonial North America ( New York: Oxford Uni-
question- response methods. None of these made
versity Press, 1985), 180.
See Debo, History of the Indians, 41, for details about
accepting another belief system or another way
of life particularly exciting."
other benefactors.
27
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Peter Nabokov, ed., Native American Testimony: A
sent, 1492 - 1992 ( New York: Viking, 1991), 213; and Mar-
dian Company to " contribute £ 100 towards building a magazine at Williamsburg, and was to take thence all the powder used in the Indian trade, returning in its place a like
garet Connell Szasz and Carmelite Ryan, "American Indian
supply of fresh powder."
Chronicle of Indian -White Relations from Prophecy to the Pre-
Szasz, Indian Education, 73; and Martha W McCart-
Education," in Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 4:
History of Indian White Relations, ed. Wilcomb E. Wash -
ney, History of Fort Christiana [ Christanna], Brunswick
County, Virginia ([ Williamsburg, Va.]: Virginia Research
Center for Archaeology, 1979).
bum ( Washington D. C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1988),
285.
Karen A. Stuart, "' So Good a Work': The Brafferton
E2 William Byrd, Histories of the Dividing Line Betwixt Vir-
School, 1691 - 1777" ( M.A. thesis, College of William and
ginia and North Carolina, ed. William K. Boyd ( Raleigh, N.
Mary, 1984), 4 -5.
C.: North Carolina Historical Commission, 1929; rept..New
York: Dover Publications, [ 1927]),
118 - 119;
and
e Szasz, Indian Education, 68.
Stuart, "' So Good a Work,' 5.
Spotswood to Bishop of London, October 26, 1715 in Let-
10 Szasz, Indian Education, 68.
ters of Spotswood, II: 138
Proceedings of Visitors of William & Mary College,
See Stuart, "' So Good a Work, "' 83, for a complete
June 20, 1716," William and Mary Quarterly, 2d Ser., 8
transcription of the agreement.
Ibid., 6.
1928): 235.
Stuart, "' So Good a Work,'" 23 - 26; and Jones, Present
The Statutes of the College of William and Mary in
Virginia," William and Mary Quarterly, 1st Ser., 22: 283 - 296.
State of Virginia, 111. For a more detailed description of the
11 Francis Nicholson to Robert Hicks and John Evans,
building, see Stuart, "' So Good a Work, ' 23 - 26.
May 1700, in Historical Collections Relating to the American
Colonial Church, Vol. 1: Papers Relating to the History of
the Church in Virginia, ed. William Stevens Perry ( Hartford, Conn.: [Church Press Company], 1870), 123.
Hugh Jones, The Present State of Virginia from Whence
Is Inferred a Short View of Maryland and North Carolina, ed.
Richard L. Morton ( Chapel Hill, N. C.: The University of
North Carolina Press for the Virginia Historical Society,
1956), 114. For interpretations of the Wharton Apothecary
Ibid., 62, 845; and Szasz and Ryan, "American In-
dian Education," 285.
Stuart, "' So Good a Work, "' 71, 73.
Byrd, Histories of the Dividing Line, 118 - 119.
B Axtell, Invasion Within, 216 - 217.
E9 Wilford Kale, Hark Upon the Gale: An Illustrated His-
tory of the College of William and Mary ( Norfolk, Va.: Donning Co., 1985), 39; and Nabokov, Native American
Testimony, 214.
Account Book, see Stuart, "' So Good a Work,' 43- 46.
Alexander Spotswood to Lord Dartmouth, November
Work, "' 46- 49. Insight on this question- response method of
11, 1711, in The Official Letters of Alexander Spotswood,
Lieutenant- Governor of the Colony of Virginia, 1710 - 1722, ed.
for the Indians, 1740, by Thomas Wilson, an Anglican
R. A. Brock ( Richmond, Va.: The Virginia Historical Soci-
bishop. This book was originally published to aid in the
ety, 1882- 1885), I: 123 - 125.
conversion of Georgian Indians. Twenty editions were
Axtell, Invasion Within, 216 - 217; Stuart, "' So Good a
instruction can be found in An Essay towards an Instruction
Ibid.; Spotswood to Lord Dartmouth, December 28,
printed over a hundred years, and records show that several
1711 in Letters of Spotswood, 134 - 135; and Szasz, Indian Ed-
hundred copies of it were received in Virginia in 1743, al-
ucation, 69.
ready in its fifth edition. Brafferton Indian master William
LSpotswood to Dartmouth, December 28, 1711, in Let-
Dawson even wrote a testimonial letter about the book.
ters of Spotswood, I: 134 - 135; and Szasz, Indian Education,
Ibid., 183; and Debo, History of the Indians, 47 -50.
70. Only three of the nine were descended from the
Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, ed.
Powhatan Confederation —the Pamunkey, Chickahominy,
Thomas Perkins Abernethy. ( New York: Harper &
and Nansemand. The rest were either Iroquois or Siouan.
1964), 145, quoted in Stuart, "' So Good a Work,' 71.
Helen C. Rountree, Pocahontas' s People: The Powhatan
19 Szasz, Indian Education, 70- 72.
E0 Leonidas Dodson, Alexander Spotswood, Governor of
Row,
Colonial Virginia, 1710 - 1722 ( Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1932), 83. The "Act for the Better Reg-
Indians of Virginia Through Four Centuries ( Norman, Okla.:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 167. Rev. Charles Jeffrey Smith, the originator of the plan, was formerly a mis-
ulation of the Indian Trade" also required the Virginia In-
sionary from New England.
28
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
A Late Summer Storm
Some of the older casks of pork and beef had
maggots, but the meat could be boiled and
by Pete Wrike
made edible. The small beer didn't last long,
and the water barrels eventually grew algae.
Pete, a historical interpreter for Group Interpreta-
The passengers, mostly young and unmarried,
dons, is the author of numerous books and articles.
grew sicker and weaker as the voyage continued
long beyond the usual time. Captain Roundtree
On June 13, 1769, the small, two- masted
vessel Fortune sailed from London for Annapo-
held his course to the British North American
coast, but even the spoiled provisions and bad
lis, Maryland. The eighty- ton, sixty- eight - oot
f
water ran out. A chance meeting with two
vessel carried Captain William Roundtree, thir-
Spanish warships, and later with a merchant
teen crew members, and fifty -seven passen-
ship from Jamaica, prevented a tragedy aboard
the Fortune. These ships generously supplied the
gers —all indentured servants to be sold to
American masters. The Fortune also carried a
Fortune with provisions and water, which
cargo of British manufactured goods and provi-
Roundtree rationed. In early September, the
sions, which included barrels of water, small
beer, bread, salted pork, salted beef, flour, com,
peas, butter, cheese, and munitions for the two
four - ound cannon aboard. For their personal
p
Fortune crossed the Gulf Stream, and, on September 7, those aboard sighted the Capes of the
Chesapeake. The Fortune had been at sea fourteen weeks. The ordeal appeared to be over.
use, some passengers and crew brought rum,
wine, small quantities of fresh food, and live
Roundtree watched the weather to the south
poultry stowed in coops in the ship' s longboat.
deteriorate. Clouds swiftly blotted out the sun,
Captain Roundtree anticipated an uneventful
and Roundtree took in his topsails as the winds
eight week voyage.
increased. The crew and passengers desperately
hoped for a call at nearby Hampton or Norfolk.
They were starved, thirsty, weak, dirty, and ver-
As the Fortune approached Cape Henry,
Contrary winds in the English Channel delayed the Fortune' s passage for more than a
week. Once on the North Atlantic, the vessel
wallowed, pitched, and rolled in the large
waves. In the heaviest weather, Roundtree or-
min infested. Roundtree' s concems focused on
his cargo of manufactured goods and passen-
gers. Each would be profitable only if delivered
dered the cooking fires extinguished and closed
safely and swiftly.
the hatches to the passengers' deck area. Battened down below, the passengers had little
Light; no fresh air, and no hot food. Foul smells
rose from the bilge below, and cold seawater
rained down from the deck above. On the main
Once inside Cape Henry, the Fortune headed
north and, by late afternoon, passed New Point
Comfort. During his brief transit up the bay,
deck, the tubs for human waste frequently over-
Shoal and anchored in less than three fathoms
eighteen feet) of water just below Gwynn's Is-
Roundtree realized he could not outrun the
storm —a hurricane. He weathered Wolf Trap
turned, spilling their contents. Soon the Fortune' s passengers fell victim to
seasickness, dysentery, hunger,
sleeplessness, cold, and fear. As
the voyage continued, lice and
other vermin spread among the
passengers. Clothes could only
be cleaned in seawater and dried
on calm, sunny days. Eventually,
most
of the
passengers'
worn,
dirty, and infested clothes were
replaced from the sailors' slop
chest.
The fresh food and poultry
lasted a very short time. The butter and cheese went next. Soon
the ship's company consumed
the peas and flour not spoiled by
dampness. The ship' s bread or
biscuits were hard but edible
once the weevils were removed.
Eighteenth -century map of the Chesapeake Bay area.
29
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Chesapeake
Bay
Csvyun s Island
Williamsburg.
Kingston Parish ._
Gloucester County
Ps
outh •
land off Gloucester County. As darkness ap-
White'
Creek
proached, the winds intensified, and Roundtree
ordered the Fortune' s masts and shrouds ( re-
straining rigging) cut away. The crew worked
swiftly and soon cleared the masts and debris
from the vessel. Roundtree set another anchor,
tightened it with his windlass, and prepared to
Inset map shows detail of Gwynn's
Island and its vicinity.
ride out the storm. Below decks, the passengers
suffered horribly. Huge waves pitched and rolled
tened crops, blew over homes and outbuildings
the vessel while the shrieking wind carried the
in the town, and washed out roads and bridges.
But, as one traveler from North Carolina re-
prospect of imminent shipwreck and death.
As the Fortune labored at anchor, the hurri-
marked, Virginia " had the worst of it."
Along Norfolk's Elizabeth River, "all shipping
cane' s torrential rains and winds moved into
aground, many dismasted,
Virginia from eastern North Carolina. The
and small vessels ...
storm left massive devastation in its wake. North
wharves all gone and [ or] damaged." On the
Hampton River, " all small craft driven ashore."
Carolina Governor William Tryon wrote about
the extensive damage in the Wilmington area.
Along the James River, two packet boats sailed
the inhabitants never
regularly between Norfolk, Hampton, and
Colonel Burwell' s Landing ( Carter' s Grove
Plantation). At the hurricane' s approach, Captain Daniel Hutchings' s Williamsburg- Norfolk
packet boat quickly got underway from his exposed position at Burwell's Landing. The initial,
knew so violent a storm." In New Bern, a writer
strong easterly and northeasterly winds drove
experienced " the most violent Gale of wind and
the highest tide that has ever been known since
this country has been inhabited.... One entire
gained control and, after several hazardous
hours, returned to Norfolk. A new Williams-
Street, Houses, Store Houses, wharves, etc., to
the amount of near £ 20,000 pounds were de-
burg-Norfolk packet schooner, Friendship, built
less than a year earlier by Captain Walter
stroyed and swept off together with several of
the inhabitants.... The tide rose in a few hours
12 feet higher than I ever before knew it... .
Gwynn, was anchored in the Elizabeth River. It
was driven ashore on Sewell' s Point. Despite the
winds, Captain Gwynn got his sixteen ton vessel
Every Vessel, Boat or Craft were drove up in the
afloat and actually reached the Nansemond
woods." At Edenton, the hurricane created huge
River. He was fortunate. Off Jamestown, " a ves-
waves on Albemarle Sound, which smashed
sel from Norfolk with coal for Williamsburg
Many houses blown down [ along] with the
Court House of Brunswick County. All ... corn
and rice leveled ...
fences blown down ..
twenty sawmill dams carried away ... and scarce
a ship in the river that was not drove from her
anchor....
In short ...
the packet upriver, but Captain Hutchings re-
was] drove to pieces." Near Lyon's Creek on
wharves and drove seagoing vessels ashore. The
thirty-five -ton brigantine Bell, anchored in
Edenton Bay, went ashore among cypress
the James River, floodwaters washed the postboy
off his horse. He lashed himself to a tree and survived; the mail and horse were lost. At
stumps. The hurricane' s winds and rains flat30
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
Portsmouth, the storm tragi-
cally caught several of John
Goodrich's slaves fishing offshore. Three bodies, a large flat
boat, and an oar marked " J.
Goodrich" later washed ashore.
The hurricane
continued
northward and brought rain and
high winds to the Middle Penin-
sula. A resident near Williams-
burg wrote, " perhaps few words
can express the constant torrent
of water that came down... .
Every house leaked. [ I was]
forced to bore holes through my
floor for rain to go in [ the] cellars. Rain in storehouses ...
Martin. Captain William Hamlin of the ship Experiment saved his vessel by cutting away her
rain through brick walls near 3 feet
thick. Cannot hear of a mill standing for thirty or
mizzen and foremasts. Captain George Hub -
forty miles round." Other reports also mentioned
bard's ship, Thomas, dragged her anchors, but
vast numbers of houses
merely touched the river bottom. She was the
blown down, trees of all sizes tom up by the roots
and cattle, hogs, etc. crushed by their fall. The
only vessel in the port not seriously affected by
mills carried away ...
the hurricane.
Yorktown's riverfront businesses suffered ter-
corn laid level with the ground and the tobacco
ruined in many places.... [ It] blew great guns."
ribly. The top of one wharfwas carried away and
In Williamsburg, Robert Carter Nicholas, the
smashed into Mr. Jones' s store. The damaged
colony' s treasurer, called the hurricane " the most
violent gust of wind and rain that the oldest man
wharf, fortunately, prevented his business from
washing into the York River. Small boats on the
I have seen ever remembers ...
riverfront washed into the buildings nearby, de-
most of the ships
remaining in the country were drove ashore."
stroying many. The buildings that survived suf-
At Yorktown, the hurricane devastated the
fered enormous water damage. Two small sloops
port' s shipping. The storm surges and winds
drove ashore many ships, including the Latham,
Captain William Waterman; the Friendship,
Captain Thomas Lilly; the Elizabeth, Captain
Howard Esten; and the Betsey, Captain George
ended up on Colonel Diggs' s shores. A seventyton schooner, carried onshore by the storm
Banks; as well as the brig Dale, Captain John
Captain Thomas Whiting' s schooner went
surge, " ran her bowsprit into a storehouse of Mr.
Savage."
Across the York River at Gloucester Point,
ashore.
In Sarah' s
Creek, four vessels ran
aground and suffered badly. Tragically on the
York River, "A man bringing [ his] family down
STORM OF ' 69 WREAKS HAVOC
WITH LOCAL ELECTION
river put ashore at Mr. [John Foxes] ...
went
back to secure [ his] vessel, set sail, overturned
and drowned."
Your Committee further beg leave to inform the House, that the Sheriff of James
City hath made the following Return, on
the Writ for electing a Burgess for James Town, " By virtue of this Writ to me di-
The hurricane's strongest winds approached
the Fortune just after midnight. The anchor at-
tached to the windlass failed, leaving Captain
Roundtree with no mechanical means to make
fast the one anchor still deployed. The Fortune
rected, I did make lawful Publication
swung toward the shore, and Roundtree ordered
the remaining anchor cable cut. The ship drifted
swiftly for less than a minute. On deck, the crew
thereof, and did appoint Friday, the eighth
Day of September, for the Election of a
Burgess, but was prevented attending at the
Place appointed, on account of its being an
uncommon rainy and blustering Day."
worked furiously to make ready the ship's boat
and fmd something upon which to float ashore.
To the passengers below decks, the minute or so
Report from the Committee of Privileges
the Fortune moved easily and swiftly must have
and Elections, Journals of the House of
seemed an etemity. Then she struck, stopped,
and another wave carried her farther onshore.
Burgesses, 1766 - 69, 230.
She stopped for a last time and her bottom
31
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
opened. As water raced into the bilge below, the
were missing— though not necessarily presumed
dead. For them, the Fortune' s wreck provided an
passengers fled to the deck above.
opportunity. On the voyage, these passengers
Under Roundtree' s direction, the ship's crew
ferried ashore many passengers. Some, too
had experienced thirst, starvation, three
months on the North Atlantic— fraught with
seasickness, sleeplessness, fear, salted food, ran-
scared to wait, jumped into the surf and five to
six feet of water. The waves repeatedly pounded
the Fortune, filled her hull, and made recovery
of the material cargo impossible in the dark. By
cid provisions, weevils, maggots, lice —a terrible
hurricane, and a shipwreck. Their final prospect
dawn on Friday, September 8, the Fortune's sur-
was sale to a master in Annapolis as unpaid
vivors huddled some distance from shore in an
labor for the next seven or more years.
area now called "Old House Woods." In the rain
By mid -afternoon that Friday the hurricane
and wind, Roundtree first counted crew then
passed from Virginia northward. The sun came
passengers. As he feared, twenty passengers
out and the skies were blue. Farther north the
THE CASE OF THE SHANGHAIED APPRENTICE
Although most of Captain Roundtree' s passengers had chosen to make the voyage to the
colonies, some were more reluctant than others. Joseph Kidd of Williamsburg acquired one
of the Fortune' s young passengers. Kidd served Virginia's governor, the Baron de Botetourt,
as an upholsterer. His duties also included painting, lead work, book repair, wallpaper repair,
carpet work, household appliance repair, and gilding the governor' s postchaise ( coach).
Kidd' s new servant quickly stated that he was already indentured to a William Dolman in
England. Dolman had allowed his apprentices a holiday on Whitsuntide, May 15, just past.
The apprentice told Kidd he had become " indisposed," probably on gin or beer. In this condition, some unscrupulous persons " Shanghaied" the besotted apprentice and sold him to a
Mr. Robertson who bought and sold timber in Houndsditch in London. Robertson promptly
placed the new indenture aboard the Fortune, then bound for Annapolis. Captain
Roundtree now held the indenture.
In light of this story, Kidd planned to sell the indenture quickly, although the contract was
for seven years' service. Wisely, Kidd sought counsel from his employer. Botetourt advised
Kidd not to sell the apprentice for at least ten months. Shortly afterward, in November 1769,
Kidd and his business partner of the last six months, Joshua Kendal, left Botetourt's service.
They used ( perhaps misused) Dolman's apprentice.
The apprentice despaired of his circumstances in Virginia and wrote to his mother in Eng-
land. In the fall of 1771, she contacted her son's former master. Dolman, on behalf of himself and the apprentice' s " aged mother who is in great trouble," petitioned Lord
Hillsborough, Secretary to the Lords Commissioners of Trades and Plantations. Dolman
sought compassion and an order to return the apprentice, " He being very desirous to come
home." On December 4, 1771, he wrote Virginia's new governor, Lord Dunmore, with proj-
ects, tasks, instructions, and sundry other particulars. Among the items requiring Dunmore' s
attention was the plight of Dolman's apprentice. Lord Hillsborough enclosed " the young
man's original Indenture of Apprenticeship, which may perhaps be of use in procuring his
Discharge from his master ...
who is stated to be a person of a cruel temper and bad char-
acter."
Meanwhile, Kidd had finally arranged to be rid of his apprentice about the time the young
man's mother Teamed of her son's plight. Kidd contacted Captain Robert Necks, master of
the 250 -ton ship Lunn and Lloyd. Necks, a respected ship's captain who had considerable experience transporting indentured workers or servants, purchased the errant apprentice at a
considerable discount. In November 1771, Captain Necks sailed from Yorktown with the apprentice and a cargo of tobacco. The Lunn and Lloyd arrived in London in February 1772.
In April 1772, Lord Dunmore responded to Lord Hillsborough's letter and told him of his
many fruitless inquiries after the apprentice." Dunmore also called Kidd a very honest man
who had sent the apprentice, soon after he discovered him to be such," back to England.
32
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
devastation continued. Maryland suffered " the
Storm had done great damage among the ship-
ter; Edward Lawrence, plasterer; William Clark,
surgeon; James Hitchings, sailor; John Thomas,
farmer; George Ellar, carver; William Saunders,
farmer; Thomas Ratchford, drawer; Thomas
ping, wharfs and other parts of the Town." Sim-
Neal, stocking weaver; Ambrose Wilmott,
ilar reports came from Philadelphia, coastal
drawer; Robert Wiggenton, turner, and Mar-
New Jersey, New York City, New London, New-
garet Wiggenton; James Foster, weaver; Richard
port, Boston, and Portland. The hurricane reg-
Crap, tailor; Elizabeth Hayes; John Davies,
wheelwright; and Mary Webb, mantua maker.
most violent storm of wind and rain." John
Rowe rose early on September 9 and " found the
istered a reading of 29. 57" on the barometer at
Harvard University accompanied by " great .. .
The advertisement offered a reward of twenty
wind, rain, lightning."
shillings ( one pound) per person plus expenses.
In the hurricane's wake, the Fortune was a
Roundtree' s generous bounty represented approximately two weeks' wages for a skilled
trades worker. The ad advised persons who ap-
small story in the Virginia Gazette. At Yorktown,
Captain Esten swiftly got the Elizabeth off the
York River bottom. Esten also helped Martin of
prehended the runaways to take them to Mr.
the Dale to free his brig. Captain Lilly got the
Friendship off relatively undamaged. Captain
Banks' s Betsey ended aground below Wormley's
John Carter at Mr. Mitchel' s Swan Tavern in
Creek with eleven feet of water in her hold.
Roundtree lodged temporarily near Gwynn's Is-
Captain James Mundie' s sloop also grounded in
land at Brown's. Roundtree' s advertisement
noted the runaways had disguised themselves
Yorktown or Mr. George Brown's tavem in
Kingston Parish, Gloucester County. Captain
Wormley' s Creek but had little damage. Captain
Waterman got the Latham off and seaworthy
schooner at Gloucester Point and one of the four
and probably sought work in Gloucester County
or other parts of Virginia. Probably few of the
runaways, if any, were ever caught. Some may
vessels on Sarah's Creek were total losses. Dam-
not have survived the wreck. While ashore,
age in Gloucester County and Gloucester Town
Roundtree salvaged from the Fortune all usable
included chimneys, houses, and outbuildings.
Farther inland, near Fredericksburg, Scottish
cargo, ship's hardware, and items of value.
The captain set out to recoup his losses.
merchant William Cunningham saw little dam-
Colonists with means purchased the indentures
after almost three weeks. Captain Whiting's
age from the hurricane. " The Triton and sundry
of the remaining passengers for as long as seven
other ships at the mouth of Quantico Creek
were a little affected ... few ... houses were
years. The following spring, Roundtree oversaw
blown down." He also remarked that the rain
left," hosted by Henry Knight of Kingston Parish.
an auction of the hull and " what materials are
proved " of vast service with regards to the crops
over the Blue Ridge." Cunningham wryly
noted " the planter and the seller in the country
Epilogue
will make what they can of the circum-
In 1776, Lord Dunmore, Virginia's Royal
stances of the storm in order to enhance the
Governor, with Royal Army and Navy units,
value of their commodities and they may possi-
loyal American troops, and a fleet of more than
bly succeed." They did succeed.
one hundred vessels, occupied Gwynn's Island,
The hurricane destroyed or damaged much
Virginia. From there, Dunmore attempted to
of the tobacco in the Virginia colony's official
lead an offensive and regain royal control of
warehouses. Planters had deposited their tobacco in these warehouses and received to-
Virginia. Patriot forces carefully watched the
governor and exiles from nearby shores.
While on the island, Royal Navy officers and
bacco notes, which attested to the colony's
stewardship of this important crop. The notes
loyalists salvaged usable timbers from the For-
served as bonds for the planters' tobacco. The
tune' s hull and built a rowing galley. The eigh-
colony had to make good the loss. That fall, the
General Assembly passed an issuance of
forward and had high bulwarks along her side
teen oared vessel mounted a six pound cannon
10,000 to support the tobacco planters. In the
that protected the galley' s crew. In July, Dun-
spring, at Accomac and other tobacco ware-
more was driven off the island and later made
house sites, the colonial government reimbursed the planters for losses from the storm.
ineffective attempts to reestablish a base of op-
On September 23, the Virginia Gazette car-
the Potomac, Dunmore abandoned his attempt
erations there. After one sortie by the galley on
ried a runaway notice for the Fortune. It listed
to retake Virginia. He scuttled the galley. Per-
James Durant, shipwright; Thomas Giles, car-
haps in the Chesapeake' s muddy waters near
penter, and Mary Giles; Thomas Ruff, carpen-
Smith's Island the timbers of the Fortune remain.
33
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
beaten eggs are sometimes added. Flip is
heated by immersing a hot iron into the mix-
Laura is a member of the Interpreter planning
board and a volunteer for this publication.
ture.
florendine —A large pie made with meat or
The Foodways staff at Colonial Williamsburg
strives for authenticity and accuracy in inter-
fruit, which usually has a crust only on the
preting how food was prepared and preserved
top,
flummery— Originally a dish made of oatmeal
boiled in milk. By the eighteenth century,
during the eighteenth century. Their cooking
skills are matched by their ability to use eigh-
teenth- century terminology when describing a
the term meant an opaque or
transparent
particular dish they are creating while visitors
watch them at work. A close working relationship exists between the staffs of the operating
jelly.
forcemeat —Finely chopped and highly sea-
tavems and Foodways, since the latter must also
anticipate and be prepared to answer questions
fricassee —Meat, usually chicken, rabbit, or
soned meat or fish, usually used as a stuffing.
veal, that is cut into pieces, fried, then
slowly simmered in liquids until done.
about items appearing on tavem menus. The
following glossary provides definitions of the
gill — a pint; four fluid ounces in the United
of
terms that elicit the most questions from our
States or five fluid ounces British Imperial.
visitors.
Before the British Imperial system was
adopted in 1824, a British gill was also four
a la daube —To cook meat by braising in a sea-
fluid ounces.
soned red wine stock.
arrack —A spirit distilled from the sap of the co-
hasty pudding —Flour or oatmeal ( in America,
conut tree and imported from the East Indies.
corn) boiled in water or milk until a thick
batter formed, then fried or baked.
barm —A leavening agent made from the froth
that forms on the top of fermenting ale. Its
isinglass —A form of gelatin made from the
modern equivalent is one -half ounce of
jumbals —A popular sweet cake or biscuit, usu-
bladders of fish, usually sturgeon.
ally shaped into rings or knots.
compressed yeast dissolved in one -half cup
of warm water plus one -half cup of warm ale.
ketchup —A rich sauce made from pickled
mushrooms or oysters; used as a flavoring for
castor sugar— Finely granulated sugar. ( Castor
sauces and gravies. The French introduced a
tomato based version around 1800.
is the name of the container in which the
ground sugar lumps are placed.)
caudle —A warm drink made with wine or ale,
manchet —White bread of the finest quality,
spices, and sweeteners thickened with egg
yolks and sometimes bread crumbs or a thin
marchpane —A mixture of almond meal, sugar,
usually baked at home in the colonies.
oatmeal. This was a common drink for those
cream, and egg to make a confection.
pasties —Meat pies folded into small round, tri-
who were ill.
angular, or square shapes before baking (not
coffin pastry —A mold made of a flour and
water pastry, as for a pie, but not meant to be
baked in a pan or mold).
penny loaf — the highly regulated bread bakIn
eaten.
collop —A small, thin slice of meat.
ing trade, the quality of flour determined the
comfits —Small fruits, bits of aromatic root or
weight and size of the loaf one could pur-
rind, or seeds preserved with a sugar coating;
chase for a penny. The three grades were
known as " penny household," " penny
wheaten," and " penny white." A loaf of
the equivalent of French dragee.
flip—A spiced and sweetened alcoholic drink
made from ale, beer, rum, etc., to which
penny household, made of inexpensive
34
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
whole -wheat flour, was about double the
meat, onions, anchovies, and eggs.
weight of a loaf of penny white, which used
sallet —A salad of fresh greens usually served
with an oil- and -vinegar -dressing.
shrub —A beverage consisting of citrus juice
the best white flour.
posset —A drink of hot milk or cream, sweetened and spiced,
and distilled spirits.
then curdled with wine,
beer, or ale, and served hot.
sippets —Small pieces of toasted bread, served
puff pastry —A fine kind of flour dough made
light and flaky by successive rollings and
with soups or broths or used to dip in gravy.
sweetmeats— Fruits, seeds and nuts, pastries,
butterings; a pie crust.
quick/ moderate /slack
oven —Description
candies, etc., preserved in sugar.
of
syllabub —A beverage consisting of milk ( often
oven temperatures gauged by how dark a
drawn directly from the cow into the mixing
pinch of flour turned in five minutes. Dark
brown signified a quick oven ( about 425 degrees), golden brown indicated a moderate
oven ( about 350 degrees), and light brown
identified a slack oven (about 300 degrees).
ragoo —A stew with a thick sauce served with
bowl) or cream, wine or other fermented
beverage, and a sweetener.
Wendy Howell, Jen Thurman, and Robert Brantley
of the Foodways staff assisted in the preparation of
this article.
the meat, as opposed to the English method
where the sauce was served separately.
Sources
roasting —Method of cooking meat on a spit
Hannah Glasse, The Art of Cookery Made Plain and Easy
turned before a steady fire either by a jack or
London, 1760)
by hand.
sack —A dry, fortified white wine imported from
Spain or the Canary Islands, often drunk
Lawrence D. Burns, ed., Pure's Culinary Dictionary ( Hamilton, Ohio, 1995)
Mary Randolph, The Virginia Housewife or Methodical Cook
Washington, D. C.: P Thompson, 1828)
with sugar added.
Oxford English Dictionary
salmagundi —A dish composed of chopped
not be found solely in the physical environment
Becoming Americans
Story Lines:
of the frontier. They derive- from a more complex and continuing process, " driven by cultural
imperatives, operating on the acts and choices
New Titles in the
of millions of Americans."
Rockefeller Library
Trade and the Indians of the
Morris, Michael P. The Bringing of Wonder:
Southeast,
1700 - 1783. Contributions in Comparative
Colonial Studies, no. 36. Westport, Conn.:
Taking Possession
Greenwood Press, 1999. [ E 78. 565 M67 19991*
Fischer, David Hackett, and James C. Kelly.
More like a collection of articles than a continuous narrative, this informative but uneven
Bound Away: Virginia and the Westward Movement. Charlottesville, Va.: University Press of
Virginia, 2000. [ F 229.F534 20001*
volume sees trade as a tool used by Indians and
colonists alike in their attempts to manipulate
This book, which provides a study of three
each other. A particular emphasis is the net-
stages of migration to, within, and from Virginia, asserts that Turner' s frontier thesis was
work of relationships and
the wrong answer to the right question." The
origin and development of an open society can-
traders. An inadequate index fails to reveal all
Virginia references.
interdependencies
forged between Indian women and European
35
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Anderson, Fred. The Crucible of War: The
Seven Years' War and the Fate of Empire in British
North America, 1754 - 1766. New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 2000. [ E 199. A577 20001*
tion. Jefferson, N. C.: McFarland & Co., 1999.
DT 516. 7. C57 19991*
This slim volume by a local author is derived
mainly from secondary sources. It follows the
Anderson provides an exhaustive but lively
joumeys of several slaves, including three from
account of the French and Indian War and its
influence on the political and cultural land-
Virginia, who joined the British, found refuge in
New York, evacuated to Nova Scotia, and even-
scapes of the American colonies. The removal
tually emigrated to Sierra Leone.
of the French from the frontier, the resulting
uncertainty of relationships with the Indians,
and subsequent attempts of the British to re-
form colonial administration are all portrayed
from the perspectives of contemporaries rather
than as events leading to a revolution not yet
anticipated.
Cashin, Edward J. William Bartram and the
Redefining Family
Perdue, Theda. Cherokee Women: Gender and
Culture
Change,
1700 - 1835.
Lincoln, Nebr.:
University of Nebraska Press, 1998. [ E 99.C5
P3934 1998]*
The author describes traditional Cherokee
society in which men and women maintained
American Revolution on the Southern Frontier. Co-
separate identities: men hunted and fought;
lumbia, S. C.: University of South Carolina
Press, 2000. [ E 230.5. S7 C38 20001*
women farmed, controlled the domestic space,
In his Travels, Bartram recorded the natural
world of the Southern frontier but omitted any
reference to the epochal events leading to the
Revolution. Cashin places Bartram in the context of his times and suggests that he hoped to
influence the creation of a model society by presenting a more idyllic picture of life on the frontier than actually existed.
Enslaving Virginia
Klein, Herbert S. The Atlantic Slave Trade.
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
HT 1322154 19991*
Klein provides a synthesis of recent scholar-
ship dealing with the Atlantic slave trade. He
analyzes issues concerning " the origins of the
trade; its basic economic structure; its demo-
graphic, social, and economic impact; and, fi-
nally, the causes and consequences of its
abolition." The Introduction briefly explores
the historiography of the subject, which goes
back to the eighteenth century. A useful Bibliographic Essay surveys the literature of the past
quarter century.
and wielded most forms of power and authority.
In the eighteenth century, the Cherokees
adopted some of the practices of European
colonists but rejected " civilized" definitions of
masculine and feminine. The traditional gender
norms served to strengthen resistance to intense cultural change.
Kiemer, Cynthia A. Beyond the Household:
Women's Place in the Early South, 1700 - 1835.
Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998.
HQ 1391.U6 K55 19981*
This volume shows how southern white
women participated in the public arena, even in
the post Revolutionary period when domestic
roles were emphasized and the " Southern lady"
ascended her pedestal. Unlike the colonial era,
when some contact with legal and economic aspects of the public sphere were possible, the
later period limited public activity mainly to
areas of sociability and reform.
Kierner, Cynthia A. Southern Women in Revolution, 1776 - 1800: Personal and Political Narra-
tives. Columbia, S. C.: University of South
Carolina Press, 1998. [ E 276.1( 4 19981*
5
Here Kiemer transcribes ninety-eight petitions that women in North and South Carolina
Bradley, Patricia. Slavery, Propaganda, and the
American Revolution. Jackson, Miss.: University
Press of Mississippi, 1998. [ E 210. B73 19981*
This study of the patriot press finds that slavery was deliberately not discussed, particularly
not in terms of the goals of the Revolution. The
submitted to their state legislatures during and
after the Revolution. The petitions and the author' s interpretive essays reveal how the Revo-
lution affected the women and their families
and altered expectations of gender roles in pri-
vate and public life.
abolitionist movement was also ignored, while
references to slavery were generally prejudicial
or alluded to the " enslavement" of the colonies
by the British.
Clifford, Mary Louise. From Slavery to Freetown: Black Loyalists after the American Revolu36
Compiled by Del Moore, reference librarian,
John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Library
Rockefeller Library call numbers appear in
brackets.
�Vol. 21, No. 3, Fall 2000
New books in Special
Collections at the John D.
Interpreters, take note of this
new early American history
Rockefeller, Jr. Library
resource.
Andre Felibien, Des Principes de I' Architec-
COMMONPLACE
ture, de la Sculpture, de la Peinture ... ( Paris: Jean
Baptiste Coignard, 1697).
The Interactive journal of Early American Life
John Murphy, A Treatise on the Art of Weaving ( Glasgow: Blackie, Fullarton, & Co. 1827).
A common place, an uncommon voice.
Bringing together scholars. activists. journalists filmmakers,
teachers. and history buffs to discuss everything from politics
G[ eorge] Smith, The Laboratory; or, School of
to parlor manners.
Arts, 3rd ed. ( London: James Hodges and T.
Astley, 1750).
FEATURES: investigative reporting, primary research. and essays
on methodological diemmu and disciplinary divides
REVIEWS: thoughtful critiques of scholarship. fiction. film and
William Edward Winks, Lives of Illustrious
Shoemakers ( New York: Funk &
1883]).
Wagnalls,
more
OB] ECF LESSONS: meditations on artifacts and exhibits
TALES FROM THE VAULT: bchind- the -scenes reports from
the archives
Compiled by George H. Yetter, associate curator
THE COMMON SCHOOL: stories about the difficulties
of the drawings and research collections.
and delights of teaching earlyAmerica
ASKTHEAUTHOR: provocative interviews with prominent
authors
THE REPUBLIC OF Lh1IERS: ongoing online conversation
Read Talk back. Submit
www.common-place.org
37
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
EDITOR'S
NOTES . .
Sound Familiar?
The first thing done under our new government, was the Creation of a Vast
number of Offices and Officers. A Treasury dilated into as many branches,
as invention could Frame. A Secretary of War with an Host of Clerks; and
above all a Secretary of State, and all these Men labor in their several Vocations. Hence We must have a Mass of National Debt, to employ the Trea-
sury; an Army for fear the department of War should lack Employment.
Foreign engagements too must be attended to keep Up the Consequence of
that Secretary. The next Cry will be for an Admiralty.
William Maclay, U. S. Senator for Pennsylvania, 1790
The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter is a quarterly publication of the Division of Historic Area
Presentations.
Editor:
Nancy Milton
Copy Editor:
Mary Ann Williamson
Assistant Editor:
Linda Rowe
Editorial Board:
Cary Carson
Ron Hurst
Emma L. Powers
Planning Board:
Bob Doares
Ron Warren
Bertie Byrd
Jan Gilliam
Katie Wrike
John Caramia
Production:
Laura Arnold
John Turner
The Print Production Services Department
O 2000 by The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation. All rights reserved. All images are the property of Colonial Williamsburg
Foundation, unless othenvise noted.
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�t.
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<p><em>The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter</em> was a newsletter published July 1980-September 2009 by the education and research departments of Colonial Williamsburg and authored mainly by staff researchers and interpreters. Its purpose was to disseminate information germane to the current interpretive focus of the Historic Area uniformly across the various departments involved with historical interpretation. Some of the articles sprang from the need to impart new research or interpretive information to staff while others were inspired by employee questions or suggestions. In the earlier issues, standard sections include “The King’s English” which explained various words or terminology encountered in 18th century life, “Occurrences” which noted different programs and events of interest to employees and visitors, and “The Exchange” which was a guest column that offered the perspective and knowledge of non-research department employees on various subjects. Later issues had regular columns about historical subjects, archaeology, gardening, new books at the Foundation library, “Cook’s Corner” about foodways, “Interpreter’s Corner” concerning issues of interpretation, and a Q & A section. The number of issues published per year varied as did the length of the newsletter.</p>
<p>Several supplemental publications sprang from the Interpreter including <em>Fresh Advices, Questions & Answers</em>, and A<em> Cultural Time Line & Glossary for Williamsburg in the Eighteenth Century</em>. Fresh Advices offered discussions of recent research conducted by the Foundation and opportunities for applying it in the Historic Area. It was published infrequently from 1981-1987. <em>Questions & Answers</em> began and ended as a column in the <em>Interpreter</em>, but also existed as a supplemental publication from 1980-1989. It functioned as a means to answer common interpreter questions to the research department about eighteenth-century history and culture, Williamsburg area history, and Colonial Williamsburg itself. The one-time 1990 publication <em>A Cultural Time Line & Glossary for Williamsburg in the Eighteenth Century</em> consisted of a oversize poster-sized timeline and a glossary booklet. The time line included notable events in the Age of Enlightenment in the categories of politics, philosophy and religion, education, science and technology, fine arts and architecture, and performing arts and literature. The glossary was an expansion on selected entries from the time line to give more information on people and events that directly or indirectly influenced the development of colonial Virginia society.</p>
<p>An index to the <em>Interpreter</em> and its supplemental publications may be found here: <a href="http://research.colonialwilliamsburg.org/library/_files/Interpreter.pdf">Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter Index, 1980-2009</a>.</p>
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The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter, volume 21, number 3, Fall, 2000
Description
An account of the resource
The Election of 1800 -- Interview with President-elect Thomas Jefferson on the Election of 1800 (Bill Barker as Thomas Jefferson) -- Sheriff William Haskins Reports Run-In at Halifax County Burgess Election -- Travelers to the West -- Questions & Answers -- The Changing Landscape of Williamsburg and Its Environs Through Time -- The Education of the Native American in Colonial Virginia, with Particular Regard to the Brafferton School -- A Late Summer Storm -- The Case of the Shanghaied Apprentice -- Cook’s Corner: Foodways glossary -- Bruton Heights Update: New at the Rock: Becoming Americans Story Lines: New Titles in the Rockefeller Library -- Editor’s Notes