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COLONIAL
WILLIAMSBURG
VOL. 21, NO. 2
SUMMER 2000
Went to Winchester. It is one of the largest towns I
have seen in the Colony, the capital of this County.
Regularly layd out in Squares, the Buildings are of
limestone. Two Churches, one English and one
Dutch but the Dutch Church is not finished. General Braddock built a stockade Fort here, in the year
1755, But it is now demolished
Nicholas Cresswell
Wednesday, December 7, 1774
Dined at Mr. Snickers but he is not at home but his
soninlaw gave me a letter to a Certain George Rice
whom he recommends as a proper person to go with
me. Crosd. the Shanandoe River. Got to Winches-
ter. Land is very rich from the River to the town. All
Limestone well wattered and very level. I am sorry
t is not in my power to Settle here. Winchester is
about 80 miles from Alexandria.
Nicholas Cresswell
The Country Town of Frederick [ Winchester] —
Twenty nine Miles form Martinsburg —It is a
smart Village, near half a mile in length, & several Streets broad, & pretty full —
the Situation
is low &
disagreeable —There is on a pleasant
Hill North -East from the Town at a Small Distance, a large stone, Dutch -Lutheran Church,
with a tall Steeple — In the Town is an English
Anglican) Church —North of the Town are the
Ruins of an old Fort wasted & crumbled down
by Time! — The Country Road from the Ferry to
this Town is thick inhabited —The Land is good,
the Country pleasant, the Houses in general
large —We were out, this Day, in a most violent
Torrent of Rain, Lightning & Thunder —Rode to
Day to Stephensburg. Distance 37 Miles.
Philip Vickers Fithian
Winchester, May 22nd, 1775
Monday, April 3rd, 1775
Winchester, county seat of Frederick County, was the most important of the Valley towns.
Washington supplied his army
there in 1754, and it was an important frontier outpost after
Braddock' s defeat the next year.
Known first as Opequon, then as
Frederick's Town ( or Frederick town), Winchester was not officially established as a town until
1752. According to tradition, it
was so named by James Wood,
one of the founders, in honor of
his birthplace in England.
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
What did Anglican parishes have to do with
Questions & Answers:
land ownership in the colonial period?
Taking Possession
Between 1662 and 1748, the General Assem-
bly repeatedly passed laws that required " once in
every four years, the bounds of every person's land
Where did George Washington receive his surveyor' s commission?
shall be processioned, or gone round." Procession -
On July 29, 1749, before the Culpeper
County Court, seventeen -year -old George
ing in Virginia, the careful renewal and legal confirmation of property lines, was especially
Washington produced a commission from the
important in rural areas where trees, creeks, or
President, Masters, and Professors of the Col-
other natural features served as boundary mark-
lege of William and Mary" appointing him sur-
ers. It was similar to the English custom of peram-
veyor of that county. The office of surveyor
bulation or " beating the bounds," in which
general of Virginia was vested in the college.
parishioners walked the boundaries in their
parishes every year ( sometimes accompanied by
considerable merrymaking).
The 1748 Act for Settling the Titles and
Bounds of Lands set the next processioning season to begin in the fall of 1751 and be complete
by March 31, 1752. During the summer of 1751,
county courts were to direct parish vestries to
divide their parishes into manageable areas or
precincts. That done, vestries set the exact dates
between September 30, 1751, and March 31,
1752, when " such processioning shall be made
in every precinct." Vestries appointed two " intelligent honest freeholders of every precinct" to
carry out processioning and to return to the
vestry " an account of every persons land they
shall procession." The two managers and the
Washington as a surveyor.
landholders assembled on the prearranged day
How, when, and by whom were new counties in
for each precinct to walk in procession around
Virginia formed?
the boundaries of each tract in that precinct, re-
Since early colonial days, the county has been
the basic unit of local government in Virginia. The
newing blazes on trees and noting or replacing
landmarks. Information gathered during these
General Assembly created the first eight counties
walkabouts and names of people taking part
in Virginia in 1634. They were Accomack, Charles
City, Charles River (York), Elizabeth City, Henrico,
James City, Warrosquoake ( Isle of Wight), and
were recorded by vestry clerks in special books
for that purpose. Property lines processioned
three times were " held, deemed, and taken, to
be sufficient to settle the bounds, so as the same
Warwick River ( Warwick). A ninth, New Norfolk,
added in 1636, was itself divided in 1637 into
Lower Norfolk and Upper Norfolk. The number of
counties remained at ten for more than a decade
before the influx of settlers made additional gov-
may never thereafter be altered."
Surry County has processioning records at
ernment divisions necessary. As population grew
sioning, but the practice continued in new divi-
and settlement expanded, the House of Burgesses
sions called districts. Processioning records exist
for York County in the early nineteenth century,
and Southampton County has records to 1854.
As surveying and recording techniques improved, processioning became obsolete.
least as late as the 1760s. After the Revolution,
vestries were no longer responsible for proces-
continued to create new counties for local administration of justice and to meet the needs of local
communities. Another six were carved out by
1656, and the number rose to twenty by 1668.
From time to time, residents themselves petitioned
the Assembly to divide a large county into two or
Were any towns created in seventeenth -century
more counties. A total of fifty - ine counties were
n
established under the colonial General Assembly.
The Virginia county courts, which incorporated
Virginia other than Jamestown and Williams-
burg?
administrative, civil, criminal, and ecclesiastical ju-
During the last quarter of the seventeenth
risdictions, had broader authority than their coun-
century, many Virginians became interested in
terparts in England.
establishing towns to improve the trade and in2
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
How was Williamsburg created and organized?
Williamsburg was created
by an act of the General Assembly in 1699. Until receiving a charter in 1722 ( see
below), Williamsburg was a
town
with no
government
structure of its own. A group
of men called trustees ( or feofees)
were
named
in
the
1699 act to oversee the sale
of lots. The act also named a
group of directors to encourage settlement in Williams-
burg and to " make such
Rules and Orders and to give
such Directions in the Build -
1699 Bland survey of Williamsburg site.
ing of the said C ity and Portes not already pro -
vided for by this
dustry of the colony. By a series of legislative acts
in 1680, 1691, and 1705, collectively known as
the "Town Acts," twenty towns were " created" in
Tidewater Virginia. They were little more than
act."
What were chartered towns, and how were they
different from other towns?
surveyors' drawings on paper or plats of lots,
however, when the English govemment disal-
During the colonial period, only two Virginia
lowed the acts of 1680 and 1691 — primarily be-
towns enjoyed the benefits of royal charters:
cause merchants in British ports feared colonial
Williamsburg ( 1722) and Norfolk ( 1736). The
charters specified that Williamsburg and Nor-
competition. Nonetheless, some lots were sold,
and a few people began to settle at the sites. The
folk would each be represented in the General
Yorktown " purchasers of 1692" are a prime ex-
Assembly by one burgess elected by town free-
ample of town developers. Other settlements
holders. Williamsburg and Norfolk enjoyed lim-
created -by the acts that eventually grew into
ited self government through the institutions of
towns include Norfolk, West Point, Urbanna,
a mayor, recorder, aldermen, common council,
and Hobbs Hole ( modern Tappahannock).
and hustings court. This court, consisting of the
Williamsburg was not part of this development.
mayor, recorder, and aldermen, had jurisdiction
over " all cause personal and mixed not exceed-
ing £ 20 current money or 4000 pounds of to-
How was the original land acquired for the de-
bacco" that arose within its jurisdiction. It was
velopment of Williamsburg in 1699?
not, however, a court of record; neither did it try
criminal cases. As chartered towns, Williams-
When the General Assembly passed the law
making Williamsburg the colony' s capital in
burg and Norfolk could hold twice- weekly markets and semiannual fairs as well as levy tolls
and fees for using the market. The towns could
not, however, raise money separately from the
county levy, such as by taxation, without the ex-
1699, the land at Middle Plantation, with the
exception of that held by the College of William
and Mary and Bruton Parish Church, was privately owned by John Page, Henry Tyler, and
others. The General Assembly authorized the
funds from the colony's treasury to purchase 475
press permission of a special legislative act.
acres from the various owners. After reserving
Williamsburg freeholders did not elect members of the common council or any other city of-
areas for government buildings such as the Gov-
ficials. The Charter named the first mayor,
ernor' s House ( later called the Governor' s
Palace), Capitol, and ports and roads at the east
recorder, and aldermen, who in turn elected the
first common councilmen from among the
and west ends of town, the remaining 220 acres
most sufficient" free men of the town. There-
were entrusted to a board of twelve " Feofees or
Trustees" who subdivided the land into half acre
town lots. Proceeds from the sale of these lots
after, the mayor, recorder, aldermen, and com-
mon council met annually on St. Andrew' s Day
reimbursed the colony' s treasury for the original
the aldermen. When vacancies occurred, the
land purchase.
whole group met to elect a new alderman from
November 30) to elect a mayor from among
3
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
these later towns were, in effect, the
private creations" of particular in-
vestors, who already owned the
land. The returns from lot sales in
these " private towns" went to those
who had initially advanced the
money to purchase the land.
Who were Mason and Dixon for
whom the Mason Dixon Line is
named?
Between 1763 and 1767, English
astronomers and surveyors Charles
Mason and Jeremiah Dixon estab-
lished the dividing line between
Pennsylvania
to
the
north and
Maryland to the south, settling a
long and bitter dispute between the
Calverts of Maryland and the Penn
family of Pennsylvania. The Mason Dixon Line came to be regarded as
the division between slave and free
states before the Civil War.
When and why did the capital of
Virginia move from Williamsburg
to Richmond?
With the growth of population in
Virginia and the westward spread of
Block map of eighteenth -century Williamsburg.
settlement, the colony' s political center of grav-
among the common councilmen and council-
ity began to shift by the 1740s. When the Capitol in Williamsburg burned on January 30, 1747,
a majority of burgesses saw an opportunity to
men from among the substantial townsmen.
move the seat of government to a more central
location. Governor Gooch and others came to
How did people acquire land in towns?
the defense of Williamsburg, however, and the
city continued as the capital for another thirty-
Trustees named in acts creating towns oversaw the laying out of town lots and acted as the
three years. During the Revolution, the General
Assembly voted to make Richmond the new
grantor or seller the first time each lot was sold
to a private buyer. If purchasers did not fulfill
capital of the Commonwealth. Legislators fa-
lots would escheat ( revert) to the trustees to be
vored the move because Richmond, nearly fifty
miles farther inland than Williamsburg, was
resold. Once a lot had been built upon accord-
more centrally located and seemed safer from at-
building requirements specified in town acts, the
tack during the war. The government packed up
and left Williamsburg in April 1780.
ing to law, its title was permanently confirmed to
the grantee or buyer, who was then free to keep
the land or sell it to whomever he chose for
whatever price he and the new purchaser agreed
View of Richmond, 1818
upon.
How were new towns organized in the eigh-
teenth century?
Towns such as Fredericksburg ( 1728), Suffolk
1742),
Alexandria ( 1749),
and Winchester
1752) were each established by separate acts of
the General Assembly. In general, they were directed by trustees named in the acts. Some of
4
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
VIRGINIA:
RIVERS, TOWNS AND PLANTATIONS
00
r
NORTH
CAROLINA
From Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth -Century Virginia by Gerald W Mullin,
copyright 1972 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Used by permission of Oxford University Press, Inc.
What conditions contributed to the development of sectional attitudes in Virginia during
the late eighteenth century?
Hampshire, Dunmore ( renamed Shenandoah),
Political rivalries or factions in Virginia dur-
grants of land made to relatively few families by
ing and after the Revolution were based, in
the agents of Lord Fairfax. Northern Neck families with Fairfax connections dominated in this
and Berkeley. (See map on page 6.) The bases of
wealth in the Northern Neck were the large
part, on geography. Social, political, and eco-
area throughout the colonial period and contin-
nomic interests also varied between regions. Although great care should be taken to avoid
sweeping
generalizations
about
ued to exert strong political and social influence
after the Revolution. By the 1780s, soil fertility
consensus
had declined in the older part of the Northern
Neck, and the fertile western lands in the
northern Piedmont ( Fairfax, Fauquier, and
within sections, the general character of each
provides insights about regional distinctions.
Tidewater Virginia lies east of a line drawn
from the city of Alexandria through the fall line
towns of Fredericksburg, Richmond, and Petersburg. ( See map above.) This area included the
Loudoun Counties) attracted a growing popula-
somewhat separate section known as the
Northern Neck. The Anglican church was pre-
it increased among smaller landowners. In agri-
dominant. Riverbome commerce, especially in
tobacco, knit the region together, and mer-
bacco to wheat that was well under way by the
close of the Revolution. Key to the area was the
chants gathered in Alexandria, Norfolk, and
trade with and through Alexandria. That city's
the fall line towns. Slavery was important. By
awarding disproportionate representation to the
population, black and white, increased from
region, the Virginia Constitution of 1776 reaffirmed Tidewater' s political strength. ( See the
Neck had a rich ethnic and religious mix, pre-
table from Jefferson's Notes on the State of Vir-
among the merchants in Alexandria, and Ger-
ginia on page 8.)
mans and Quakers prospering in the rich farmland of Loudoun County.
tion. Slaveholding among the great landholders
declined during the 1780s in this section, while
culture, this section led in the shift from to-
2, 000 to 3, 000 in the 1780s. The Northern
dominately English, with Scots prominent
The Northern Neck, originally thought of
as the area between the Potomac and the Rap-
Southside Virginia refers
to
the
region
pahannock Rivers, came to include land west to
southward from the James River Valley to the
the Blue Ridge and beyond, including the coun-
Carolina Piedmont southward and westward
ties of Fairfax, Fauquier, Loudoun, Prince
from the Appomattox River. The heartland of
Virginia tobacco growing in the colonial period
William, Stafford, King George, Frederick,
5
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
VIRGINIA COUNTIES ( 1775)
From Flight and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth- Century Virginia by Gerald W. Mullin,
copyright 1972 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Used by permission of Oxford University Press, Inc.
and after the Revolution, the Southside contin-
1790s, so did the importance of slavery. Small
ues as a center of tobacco production to this day.
landholders predominated in this region, and
While the total value of Virginia tobacco ex-
they looked to Petersburg and Richmond as
ported rose during the 1780s, its share of the
markets for their few surplus crops. The north-
total value of Virginia exports declined from 68
em Piedmont looked to Fredericksburg and, in-
percent to
percent by
creasingly, Alexandria as their natural outlets. In
1790 - 1791. The tobacco farmers of this region
had not discovered the virtues of fertilizing their
religion, this area was much more diversified
than
Southside.
Presbyterians,
Baptists,
lands either with lime or manure. Wom out
Methodists, and Quakers were found there,
lands were left to grow scrub while new lands
along with Episcopalians ( formerly Church of
were cleared. Pasturing cattle on the scrubland
England), whose numbers were in decline. In
prevented a complete reversion to forest. Even-
economic matters, Piedmont Virginia shared
tually, fertility was restored to the worn- out
characteristics with Southside.
approximately
54
lands, which were once again cleared Most of
The Northern Shenandoah Valley or
the land under cultivation was used to raise corn,
cereals, cotton, flax, and garden crops. Money
Lower Valley was isolated from eastern Virginia
by the Blue Ridge and by ethnic and religious
was scarce in the region. Limited navigable wa-
differences. The two northern counties ( Freder-
terways and roads made transporting crops to
ick and Berkeley) were extremely fertile, enjoy-
market difficult and expensive. Slavery was im-
ing probably the best farmland in the state. The
portant and expanded after the Revolution. For
two dominant groups tended to settle in towns
reasons of geography, economics, and social
characteristics, this region was somewhat iso-
distinctly their own: Scots -Irish in Winchester
and Staunton and Germans in Martinsburg,
lated, poor, and provincial. The political views
Mecklenburg, Stephensburg, and Strasburg.
Eastern Virginians, attracted by the productive
and actions of its representatives mirrored this.
Piedmont Virginia is the area between the
lands, moved across the Blue Ridge in increas-
Blue Ridge and the western edge of Tidewater
ing numbers during and after the Revolution.
the fall line). Rolling land, becoming progressively hilly to the west, shaped this area's mixed
Their center was Charlestown. Whether native
agricultural picture. At the end of the Revolu-
and merchants of the Valley looked to Philadelphia as their natural market. By the 1790s,
Alexandria and Baltimore were beginning to
make some inroads into this Valley trade. As
one traveled south in the Valley, the land was
Virginian, Scots -Irish, or German, the farmers
tion, tobacco, wheat, and corn were the primary
crops, but, by the end of the 1780s, tobacco
planting was greatly reduced in the region. As
tobacco production declined in the 1780s and
6
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
not as fertile or well cleared, with Shenandoah
What were the internal political rivalries in
County more cultivated and Rockingham
Virginia at the close of the Revolution?
County more forested. Slavery existed in the
Differences between and among sections in
Virginia had, of course, been apparent during the
pre -Revolutionary period. Voting power in the
House of Burgesses was weighted heavily toward
eastern Virginians. Colonial roads were generally
abysmal, but Piedmont and Valley Virginians felt
the Assembly was particularly indifferent to their
area, but was far less important than in eastern
Virginia; some four -ifths of the landholders in
f
the Valley owned no slaves.
The Southern Shenandoah Valley or Upper
Valley ( Augusta and Dunmore [ renamed
Shenandoah] Counties; by 1790 also included
Rockbridge and Bath Counties) and Southwest
need for better communications. The question of
Virginia were similar to the northern Shenan-
frontier defense against the Indians aroused
doah Valley in their ethnic pattern of settle-
strong passions in westerners, who often believed
the East was negligent in its support. Slavery had
ment. Native Virginians and Ulster Scots were
the leading groups in Augusta and Rockbridge.
a much stronger hold in the East. In religious life,
In Southwest Virginia ( Botetourt and Fincastle
the dissenters of the Piedmont and Valley chafed
Counties [ reorganized as Wythe, Montgomery,
and Kentucky Counties in 1777]), Germans
under policies of the state church. Access to
western lands was another divisive factor as dif-
were by far the largest ethnic group. Surplus
ferent types of farms and agriculture set eastern
interests apart from those of the north and west.
crops from Augusta and Rockbridge were carted
overland to Richmond, but it was an arduous
Ethnic tensions between and among the pre-
and risky business. Slaveholding was not impor-
dominant English stock and Scots, Scots -Irish,
tant in this region. In religion, the region was
German, and Quakers contributed to unrest. Fi-
dominated by Presbyterians and German Pietists
nally, strong feelings about navigational improve-
Dunkards, Mennonites, and Brethren). In po-
ments, especially on the Potomac River fueled
litical and economic matters the entire Valley of
Virginia and Southwest Virginia generally had
sectional rivalry.
Internal tensions in Virginia over the con-
common views in the 1780s. However, this con-
duct of the war aggravated pre -Revolutionary
sensus did not entirely hold up during debates
disagreements. Regional tempers flared in dis-
over the Constitution of 1787.
cussions over raising troops, conducting strat-
Trans -Allegheny Virginia encompassed the
egy, and impressing food supplies. Westerners
adamantly demanded troops to protect the
frontier, and debate raged over taxation to sup-
vast area that became the states ofWest Virginia
and Kentucky. This region had attracted increasing numbers of settlers as the Revolution
port the government and the military effort.
progressed. In the 1780s, the population ex-
One source of bitterness —inequitable politi-
panded rapidly, reaching an estimated 100,000
cal representation —
was embedded in the Vir-
by 1790. Landless folk from the Virginia and
ginia Constitution of 1776. The old eastern
dominance seemed to be enshrined in the new
North Carolina Piedmonts, younger sons of
Shenandoah Valley farmers and graziers, and
squatters from many states were lured to the
government. Thomas Jefferson, as a westerner,
was so perturbed that he included a table in his
area. In some cases, settlers who purchased large
tracts of land brought slaves to clear it; others
Notes on the State of Virginia that called attention to this imbalance. ( See table on page 8.)
paid squatters to do the work. While many re-
Adapted from Colonial Williamsburg' s Questions & Answers ( October 1987), compiled by J.
gions of Virginia —especially Tidewater, the
Piedmont, and the Valley— tended to have a
Douglas Smith.
common sectional economic outlook, the Trans-
Allegheny region was fragmented by its isolated
What were some of the issues that caused fric-
settlements, its diversity of interests, and the dif-
tion between the different sections of Virginia
ficulty of communications. Kentuckians looked
after the Revolution?
down the Ohio to New Orleans as their natural
market; on the other hand, northwestem Vir-
While sectional attitudes developed around
ginians overwhelmingly looked east to Cumber-
political and military concerns, the early 1780s
land, Baltimore,
1787,
saw the introduction of some new factors and
Trans- Allegheny Virginia split over the ratifica-
and Philadelphia. In
issues, especially economics. Gradually, each
tion of the proposed United States Constitution.
section's representatives in the state legislature
Adapted from Colonial Williamsburg's Questions Si. Answers ( October 1987), compiled by J.
point on economic questions, creating political
Douglas Smith.
factions. These factions were neither defined
tended to gravitate
7
toward a particular view-
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
UNEQUAL REPRESENTATION
Square Miles
Fighting Men
Delegates
Senators
11, 205
19, 012
71
12
18, 759
18, 828
46
8
11, 911
7, 673
16
2
79, 650
4, 458
16
2
Between the sea and the falls of
the rivers
Between the fall of the rivers and
the Blue Ridge of mountains
Between the Blue Ridge of
mountains and the Alleghenies
Between the Alleghenies
and the Ohio
from Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, query XIII
nor disciplined enough to count as political par-
money issued during the Revolution and re-
ties. They did, however, begin to reveal internal
duced its debt without creating serious sec-
divisions in state matters and generally reflected
the national
tional, factional differences.
The economic issue that caused the deepest
questions that came to the fore as the 1780s
split in Virginia after the Revolution was the
progressed.
debt owed to British merchants. The relative
the views
of their
adherents on
Most states, including Virginia, had issued a
vast amount of paper currency during the Revolution. No one was happy with this situation. Between 1780 and 1784, the General Assembly
enacted legislation to reduce this outstanding
paper currency. In fact, by 1784 the state was
spending more than 80 percent of its annual
unanimity that prevailed in discussions involv-
ing debt retirement and tax relief did not endure. Fairly well- defined political factions began
to emerge by 1784 around the positions taken
on the British debt question. Two factions devel-
oped in the Virginia Assembly between 1782
and 1783. The Nationalist /Creditor group generally stressed the importance of fiscal responsibility ( strong currency, payment of debts, fiscal
budget on debt retirement. This meant that there
was less money in circulation, which helped to
depress prices. In general, farmers —whether
honor "), economic interdependence through
plantation owners, middling, or small freeholders —were hurt by the depressed prices, and their
commerce with other states and foreign coun-
representatives tended to unite in efforts to effect
correcting the flaws in the Articles of Confederation. They held a relatively cosmopolitan out-
tries,
relief despite other regional concerns.
and
greater
national
strength
through
Depressed prices also meant difficulty in paying taxes. Western Virginia delegates were able
to push through a scale for the property tax —
look toward the nation and the world. This
the principal source of state revenue. In 1782,
1784. However, several extremely important
men outside the Assembly supported these
group had no real leader in the Virginia General
Assembly until James Madison took his seat in
the property tax was levied at ten shillings per
pound valuation in the Tidewater, seven
shillings sixpence in the Piedmont, five shillings
views. George Washington brought the immense
sixpence in the Valley, and three shillings in the
connections with friends in Maryland and far-
prestige of his Revolutionary leadership, and his
legislators
ther north gave the faction national influence.
sought to permit farmers to pay taxes in commodities— tobacco, flour, hemp, and deerskins.
Within the Confederation Congress, James
Madison ( 1780 - 1783) and James Monroe
This relief was extended first to westerners,
1783 - 1786) provided valuable representation.
then to eastern Virginians by 1783. In 1784, leg-
property tax. The effect of all this was that by
Although not a member of the Assembly, Edmund Randolph, attorney general of Virginia
1776 - 1786), was in a highly strategic position
1784 Virginia had redeemed most of the paper
in Richmond to advise his Nationalist/ Creditor
Trans -Allegheny.
Furthermore,
islators chose to postpone the collection of the
8
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
friends of political developments.
On the fringes of this
group were Thomas Jefferson
and
George
Mason. Although away
from Virginia during
most of this period, serv-
ing briefly in Congress
1783 - 1784)
and then
as ambassador to France
1784- 1789), Jefferson
corresponded
eral
with
Virginians,
sev-
espe-
cially James Madison,
who kept him informed
of developments in his
home
state.
Mason's
prestige greatly assisted
the Nationalist /Creditor group. His views on
fiscal propriety, however, were founded more on
The Mitchell Map shows the extent of colonial
land claims
a sense of personal rectitude. That is, a man
paid his debts not because the state compelled
How did Virginia's cession of its western land
him, but because it was honorable and ex-
claims strengthen the new nation?
pected of a gentleman. If governmental com-
There were many elements at work in the
pulsion were required, Mason was prepared to
question of what to do about the western lands
between the Appalachians and the Mississippi
support action by the Commonwealth of Virginia, but he adamantly opposed action by a
River. Seven states— Connecticut, Georgia,
Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina,
central government.
In opposition to the Nationalist /
Creditors
South Carolina, and Virginia —claimed
the
stood a loose -knit faction that can be desig-
lands, which promised economic opportunity
nated as the State/ Debtor group. In general,
these men favored a plentiful money supply
and riches through ownership, sales, and development. Not surprisingly, controversy sur-
paper) to assist debt payment and to drive up
rounded the claims and distribution of the
prices, tax relief in the form of tax payments in
commodities, delays in the collection of taxes,
affected territory.
and various other plans to provide debt relief.
Their more provincial outlook was focused on
influence of larger states sought to make them
state and local concerns. They wanted better
Settlers on the frontier generally preferred the
creation of new states to continued control by a
Small states wanting to reduce the size and
relinquish claims to trans Appalachian lands.
roads to Virginia home markets, a chance to ac-
quire fertile lands in the West, and a protected
market for their products. Speaker John Tyler,
distant eastern state government unable to pro-
generally allied with this viewpoint; brought a
ulate trade. Northern and western boundaries
few friends from the lower James River to the
of states needed to be secured against en-
State/ Debtor group. General Thomas Nelson of
Yorktown was in this camp, and Richard Henry
Lee led a small following in the House of Dele-
croachment, especially in the absence of mabetween states with common western borders or
gates. The nominal leader of this faction was
overlapping claims to land.
tect them, provide roads, or encourage and reg-
chinery for arbitrating or adjudicating disputes
Patrick Henry. While his political opponents accused him of frequently shifting his views to coincide with what seemed to be prevailing
But the most important questions were these:
Would the cession of these western lands fatally
weaken state sovereignty and dangerously
popular sentiment, it is certainly clear that a
strengthen the central government? On the
other hand, if the lands were not ceded, would
majority of the House of Delegates agreed with
the State/ Debtor faction in the early 1780s.
Adapted from Colonial Williamsburg's Questions Si. Answers ( October 1987), compiled by J.
the states holding them contribute to the destruction of the United States because the central government lacked the power to establish
boundaries, settle disputes, and exercise the na-
Douglas Smith.
9
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
tional sovereignty required to maintain stability
and internal order and to encourage growth and
this action, Congress went far toward removing
development? These momentous questions in-
states for equity with the larger states. The con-
spired strong opinions on both sides. Gradually,
troversy over western lands had complicated the
however, the view prevailed that the states had
life of the new nation principally by delaying
far more to gain by strengthening the central
government because their very existence might
be endangered if they selfishly insisted upon
holding on to the western lands.
until 1781 the ratification of the Articles of
In late 1780, the Confederation Congress
had probably been the chief cause of trouble in
the chief obstacle in the struggle of the smaller
Confederation ( drafted in 1777). ( Maryland, for
example, refused to ratify the Articles until Vir-
ginia ceded its westem lands.) The controversy
called upon the seven states that held western
interstate relations under the Articles.
lands to cede their claims. On January 2, 1781,
The significance of the cession cannot be
the Virginia Assembly passed resolutions that
began with the clear statement that " being well
overemphasized. It gave all of the states a com-
satisfied that the happiness, strength, and safety
and other states that ceded land could more eas-
of the United States depend under Providence
upon the ratification of the Articles of a federal
union between the United States heretofore
ily support their remaining claims and receive
mon interest in the national domain. Virginia
national protection for them. Supporters of state
sovereignty could point to the fact that Congress, by recognizing the validity of state titles,
had actually strengthened state sovereignty.
Equally as important, the ceding states were relieved of the almost impossible task of governing
proposed by Congress for the consideration of
the said States and preferring the good of their
Country to every object of smaller importance
do Resolve that this Commonwealth will yeild
sic] to the Congress of the United States for
their distant western lands. The cession meant
the benefit of the said United States all right
that Virginia had stable, recognizable, and guar-
title and claim that the said Commonwealth
hath to the Lands Northwest of the River Ohio
anteed boundaries. According to one writer, "In
a very concrete way, the cession helped to define
upon the following conditions to wit."
what Virginians meant by `Virginia. "' It is worth
noting, however, that Virginia did not give up
The conditions that the Virginia Assembly
spelled out were important. The most signifi-
her claim to Kentucky until 1792.
cant for the future of the United States required
For the central government, the cessions
strengthened the union. The United States at
that the new states carved out of this territory
would be admitted to the United States as
last had property that it owned, which it could
equals to the original states. The resolutions
also stipulated that George Rogers Clark and
the soldiers who had fought with him to capture
sell to raise much needed revenue. The avail-
and defend western lands be granted a tract of
creating new, free and equal states. Congress
land in payment and appreciation for their efforts, that Congress honor the claims of title to
soon began work on plans for laying out states,
westem lands held by Virginians and guarantee
nance of 1787.
Perhaps the greatest significance for the new
nation in the western lands debates was the
able land offered the stimulating prospect of expanding the United States to the west by
which culminated in the great Northwest Ordi-
title rights to former soldiers who had been
given military bounty land claims in lieu of pay,
and that Congress void any out -of - tate land
s
company claims that had not been authorized
by Virginia.
growing realization that there was, in fact, an
This last clause was the stickiest issue, but
authentic national interest co- existing alongside the jealously guarded rights of the states.
For the union to be preserved and strength-
the other conditions also bothered some members of the Confederation Congress. For three
ened, the states would each have to give up
something in exchange for greater stability and
years, Congress refused to accept Virginia's
offer. In March 1784, the opposition in Con-
harmony between and among themselves. This
lesson began to permeate the thinking of those
gress finally recognized the wisdom of accepting
who sought ways to protect the interests of the
the Virginia conditions in order to strengthen
the government under the Articles of Confed-
weaknesses in the Confederation. The cession
eration and to provide for orderly settlement of
of Virginia's lands thus pointed clearly toward
the western lands.
the " miracle" at Philadelphia in 1787.
several states while at the same time correcting
Adapted from Colonial Williamsburg's Questions 6c Answers ( October 1987), compiled by
Approving the Virginia cession on March 1,
1784, was perhaps the most important action ac-
complished by the Confederation Congress. By
Smith.
10
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
Feeding the Eighteenth -Century Town Folk,
or, Whence the Beef?
by Lorena S. Walsh
Lorena is a historian in the Department of Historical Research. This article, Professor Walsh's presidential address to the Agricultural History Society, appeared in Agricultural History, 73 ( Summer 1999): 267 -280,
and is reprinted with permission.
pay as much attention to those trash
pits as to more conventional archival
remains. We chose to concentrate our
efforts on the towns of Williamsburg
and Annapolis because background re-
search on the local economy and the
social
and occupational structure was
already available,
as were
numerous
well- documented archaeological assemblages. We attempted to recon-
struct
production
and
distribution
networks, differing urban and rural food
Last year, in his address, Peter Coclanis de-
consumption patterns, and changes in the avail-
plored the " lack of interpretive understanding
ability and in the nominal and relative prices of
or at least explicit appreciation of the close in-
various kinds of foods through quantitative analy-
terrelationship between town and country, factory [ or, for earlier centuries, urban processors
sis of sixteen urban household and retail store ac-
and distributors] and farm." The time has come
surrounding areas, of three thousand area probate
to study diet, broadly conceived, and its social
inventories, and of archaeological evidence ( pri-
consequences," he urged. " Both the producers
of food and the process of food production," he
marily faunal remains) from fifty-three rural and
urban sites. As an economist might say, our numbers were reasonably robust'
Today I want to
lamented, " have often been ...
count books, of seven farm account books for
relegated to the
dustbin, or more appropriately in this case, the
scrap heap or compost pile of history." Was this
share
last image pure serendipity? It is hard to imag-
of the
ine a better introduction to what I want to talk
the production, dis-
about today.'
For the past eight years, scholars at Colonial
sumption of meat in
with you some
results
tribution,
and
about
con-
Williamsburg have been collaborating in a multi-
these urban markets.
disciplinary study of food provisioning in early
Hence the subtitle, " Whence the Beef?" You may
be wondering, shouldn't the question be instead,
Chesapeake towns. Our main questions are, How
was food produced in the surrounding country-
Where' s the pork ?" Despite stereotypes about
side or procured from more distant sources, how
was it processed and distributed in towns, and
how did seasonal variations in availability affect
the historic Chesapeake diet drawn from literary
sources, both archaeology and individual household accounts conclusively demonstrate that
food distribution and consumption in a prerefrig-
colonial Virginians and Marylanders ate more
erator age? To what extent did area farmers re-
beef than pork. When recovered bones are trans-
spond to the opportunities afforded by growing
lated into pounds of usable meat, from the early
urban populations? Did the diets of townspeople
seventeenth into the early nineteenth century,
differ from those of nearby farm families? Did the
foods townsfolk ate vary, not only with differences in household wealth, but also by social
meat consumed on
cattle account for between 40 to 60 percent of the
almost all
rural and
urban
class, occupation, and the presence or absence of
sites, while swine account for just under 10 percent, up to a maximum of 32 percent. Poor rural
local connections? And finally, How did differing
people, both free and enslaved ( who are less well
food and fuel distribution networks and changes
represented in archaeological sites), may have
in prices affect townspeople' s welfare ?'
eaten somewhat more pork than did better off
Clearly no single source could provide answers
to all these questions. We knew that we needed to
households, but on no site does the proportion of
pork ever surpass that of beef."
11
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Eighteenth- century Williamsburg and Annapolis were small places, of insignificant size by
Planters learned that by making more use of
plows for preparing ground and weeding they
present -day standards, and at best small market
could produce substantial surplus corn without
towns compared to such contemporary metrop-
cutting back on tobacco. Existing plantation
olises as Philadelphia, New York, Boston, and
workforces could also raise commercial crops of
larger English cities. In the 1730s each had between 50 and 75 households, with permanent
wheat by preparing the ground in the fall just
residents numbering fewer than 500. In 1750
the number of households had increased to
grain during slack times in winter. Extra labor
was required only during the brief midsummer
about
harvest.`
after the tobacco harvest and threshing the
100, and the total populations to just
The fact that general management strategies
under 900. By 1775 Annapolis' s population
reached 1, 400, Williamsburg' s 1, 880, with about
and mixes of major cash crops were similar on
large plantations throughout the region initially
suggests that planters who lived near towns
failed to respond to urban markets. However the
200 households in each town. Still, these small
places were similar to country towns throughout
the North American colonies and in provincial
larger populations. What is significant is both
effects of local markets cannot be readily distinguished from the effects of rising intercolonial
England that had comparable or only slightly
the faunal remains and the plantation account
and trans Atlantic ones. Planters near urban
books clearly demonstrate that even these quite
places could choose between selling grain in in-
small numbers were sufficient to prompt restruc-
tercolonial or international markets and selling
turing of secondary crop mixes and to elicit
changes in livestock husbandry among local
locally. With grain prices set, in the case of corn
by larger regional markets and in the case of
planters well supplied with land and labor.
wheat by intemational ones, local sales may not
obtained the
have offered a particular advantage. Local urban
bulk of the foods they did not produce themselves from the adjacent countryside. By the
late 1730s, large area slave owners living within
one to two hours' travel time by road or, in the
demands for carbohydrates were minuscule
Chesapeake
town residents
compared to the demands of already well established trans- Atlantic grain markets. Europe, the
West Indies, and the northern colonies constituted much larger markets that, given trade networks centered on trans Atlantic sea routes,
case of Annapolis, within reasonable sailing
time across Chesapeake Bay had emerged as the
primary suppliers of the grains, meat, beverages,
were as easy or easier to reach than many urban
fodder, and fuel that the two capitals' inhabi-
markets inside the region. But since Chesapeake
tants required. Conventional wisdom, drawn
planters had already found economical means
for shipping surplus grain abroad, getting some
portion of their crops to nearby towns was hardly
largely from English sources, posits that high
transport costs forced urban consumers to rely
an insurmountable challenge.'
on closely adjacent areas for their grain supply,
while they could draw on more distant markets
for meats, since animals could be made to transport themselves to market at little cost. In the
In 1775 Williamsburg' s 1, 880 residents required about 4, 500 barrels of com per year. Between 1765 and 1781, one nearby plantation
Chesapeake, these suppositions turned out to
owned by the Burwell family and worked by be-
make little sense'
tween 50 and 60 adult slaves produced enough
By the mid -eighteenth century, grains had
surplus com to supply the annual needs of at
least 150 adult town dwellers. Ten large planta
become an increasingly important source of income for large -scale planters. ( Small -scale
planters often lacked both sufficient land
and labor to do anything but continue in
the older, tobacco -centered ways.) Rising
international grain prices, occasioned by
shortages of wheat in Europe and growing
slave populations in the West Indies much
too numerous to be provisioned from island resources, made raising wheat and
com for export an increasingly attractive
way to supplement tobacco revenues. Surplus corn ( and its by-product, com fodder) could also be used for fattening
livestock either for local sale or for export.
12
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
tions producing at a comparable level could
Provisioning of meat, however, was another
have provided enough corn to feed all of Wil-
matter. The 300,000 to 450, 000 pounds a year
liamsburg's human residents and their domestic
animals as well. And in 1810, one great Mary-
each of the towns required could not all be procured from local farmers. Pork and beef sales
land Eastern Shore planter, Edward Lloyd V,
from the Burwell plantation averaged only
with about 200 adult slaves was producing
enough surplus corn to supply at least half of
3, 600 pounds a year between 1769 and 1778,
enough to feed only ten town dwellers at the
rate of a pound of meat per day, the customary
the 5, 000 barrels that Annapolitans needed!
Williamsburg' s and Annapolis' s wheat re-
allotment for soldiers and free male laborers,
quirements were probably quite modest - 1, 400
but up to seventy at the scanty ration of a
to 2, 000 bushels a year. Plantation records make
pound of meat per week customarily allotted to
adult plantation slaves. Large planters in the
clear that corn was the predominant grain con-
sumed in the countryside; even elite rural fami-
immediate area could and did increase meat
lies reserved only a few bushels out of a year' s
production to some extent, but, absent a thor-
wheat crop for their tables. Urban household
oughgoing commitment to intensive livestock
accounts show that town dwellers consumed
husbandry, they could not raise enough animals
more wheat bread than countryfolk. Cultural
to satisfy the needs of even these quite small
preference may well have played a role, especially among European immigrants, as did the
ability, seldom present in the countryside, to
purchase ready - aked bread in town. For town
b
towns. The Burwell plantation, for example,
could meet a third of Williamsburg's estimated
wheat requirements, but just over 1 percent of
the meat. On this tobacco -and -grain farm, live-
dwellers who lacked the time or the domestic
stock raising remained a secondary activity, as it
typically was for most other large tidewater
planters, that generated only around 10 percent
staff to prepare meals that needed long cooking,
wheat bread was a decided convenience. Still,
we are certain that free townsfolk consumed far
of gross plantation revenues. Annapolis' s meat
less than the pound of wheat bread a day it is es-
supply came in part from more commercialized
timated adult laborers in Philadelphia ate at this
producers. One was the aforementioned Ed-
time. The half of Williamsburg's and third of
ward Lloyd V, who by 1818 was marketing
Annapolis' s population who were enslaved
nearly 800 animals a year, yielding 36,000
likely ate little or no wheat. By the mid -1770s
the Burwell plantation could also supply between a third and a half of Williamsburg's
wheat needs. And in the early 1800s, Edward
Lloyd V alone was growing enough wheat to
pounds of meat, enough to feed 125 adult urban
meet the requirements of a town ten times the
places for meat, not because of low transport
size of Annapolis. Great planters were not the
costs, but rather because the meat requirements
of towns of no more than two thousand could be
whites. But even this tenfold increase over Bur -
well's production satisfied only 8 percent of Annapolitans' estimated needs."
Urban residents turned to more distant
only nearby farmers producing surplus grains, so
it is clear that urban needs could be more than
met only by drawing upon the surplus production of some hundreds of farmers living within a
easily met from surrounding plantations. 9
local
hundred -mile radius. In the last half of the eigh-
planters were opportunities to profit handsomely
from the sale of grain by- products— fodder and
teenth century, plantation records show that
What
town
populations
afforded
straw —and hay, as well as from semiperishables
large tidewater planters consistently sold more
surplus pork than beef. They found it much eas-
such as cider and butter. Supplying town
ier to increase pork outputs because additional
dwellers with fuel presented another opportu-
pigs could be fattened on inferior corn, the sup-
nity. High overland transport costs rendered
ply of which increased with expanded corn pro-
firewood supply a quite localized business. Fa-
duction, and on bran, a by- product of milling.
vorably situated planters stood to make consid-
On the other hand, the number of cattle that a
erable profit, since demand for wood peaked in
planter
winter
carts,
dependent on limited and, towards the end of
and draft animals might otherwise be underutilized. Plantation account books from larger
lands and pastures. Given clear archaeological
months
when
enslaved
workers,
could
maintain
remained
much
more
the century, increasingly stressed local wood-
farms near Chesapeake towns consistently
evidence for continued high consumption of
demonstrate a greater volume of sales of these
beef, it follows that urban residents regularly
secondary products, which could be produced by
keeping slaves fully employed year round with
little cutting back on major cash crops. 1°
drew on more distant sources. One storekeeper
who regularly supplied meat to Williamsburg
and Yorktown residents in the 1750s and 1760s,
13
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
for example, got his beef from planters on the
other side of the James River, from farms in a
rural assemblages, suggesting sheep were more
nonadjacent rural county at least thirty miles
The urban assemblages also reflect this age in-
distant, and from one large supplier located
crease, but they continue to contain proportion-
more than two hundred miles to the west."
ately more younger animals.
frequently being raised for wool as well as meat.
For cattle, as the eighteenth century progressed, the slaughter population became
younger, both on farms and in the towns, and
However this is not to say that nearby
planters failed to respond to these challenges at
all. Faunal remains provide material evidence
tors of standard documentary data are unaccustomed to confronting. Zooarchaeological
included larger proportions aged twenty-four to
forty-four months than older beasts. Animals
fed only on grass do not mature to marketable
evidence is both more egalitarian and more re-
slaughter
vealing of minor shifts in livestock husbandry
fourth or fifth year. More intensive husbandry
practices and food distribution networks than
practices, including supplemental feeding, are
are documentary sources. Zooarchaeologists
required to produce cattle that reach an opti-
posit that in subsistence -oriented forms of hus-
mal slaughter weight in less than four years.
From the early eighteenth century, town
dwellers consumed younger beef than did
for market orientation of a sort that manipula-
bandry, farmers raised a variety of livestock for
multiple purposes, and the animals were slaugh-
weights
until
the
autumn of their
milk, wool, reproduction, or traction. Most
nearby farm families, and especially more beef
aged twenty-four to forty-eight months. This
were consumed on the farm and only small sur-
proves that planters were specially fattening
pluses occasionally sold. Thus, the ages of ani-
some animals for the town market, while they
mals
should
themselves continued to eat most of the super-
resemble those from rural sites. But in large -
annuated cows and worn- out steers. Compar-
scale economies, farmers shifted to more spe-
ison of urban and rural assemblages also shows
cialized husbandry, raising quickly and efficiently fattened younger animals specifically
that veal was regularly marketed in town, a sal-
tered only when no longer useful for providing
found
in
urban
assemblages
able luxury seldom eaten on the farm.
destined as meat for town consumers. When
Overall, the age at slaughter evidence shows
this occurs, urban and rural slaughter age pro-
that the presence of even fifty urban households
files should diverge."
early in the eighteenth century was sufficient to
induce planters to begin producing some
younger animals for market. In the second half
of the century, when urban households reached
two hundred, the kinds of meat urban and rural
folk ate changed markedly, demonstrating in-
creasingly specialized, market -oriented livestock management strategies.
Also, according to zooarchaeological theory,
The evidence on age at slaughter from
in small urban centers, municipal governments
Williamsburg and Annapolis and from rural sites
nearby shows a surprisingly early divergence in
the kinds of meat commonly consumed by
townsfolk and by farmers. Over time there was a
did not regulate where the
slaughtering,
progressive increase in the proportion of hogs
the animals and processed the meat near their
slaughtered between twelve and twenty-four
homes. Distributions of animal body parts found
months of age, which encompasses the commer-
in
butchering, selling, and disposal of waste parts
took place. Residents typically maintained livestock on or near their property and slaughtered
small
town
trash
pits,
therefore,
should
cial target age of eighteen to twenty-four months.
closely resemble those found in rural assem-
In the second half of the eighteenth century, pro-
blages. But in increasingly specialized econo-
portionately more pigs under a year old were
mies where the array of foods and middlemen
selling rural produce to urban consumers in-
consumed on plantations, while proportionately
more lamb was eaten in the towns than on sur-
creased, municipal governments restricted locations where animals could be slaughtered and
regulated what parts of the animals could be
sold. Assemblages from highly urbanized market
systems, therefore, show an irregular distribu-
rounding farms. Later in the century, the propor-
tion of body parts, a disproportionately large
more between twelve and twenty-four months
went to urban markets. In the late seventeenth
and early eighteenth centuries, most sheep were
killed during their second and third years, but
percentage of meat bones, and a low number of
tion of older animals increased markedly in the
14
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
bones that are commonly associated with
costs, and probably also pilfering, by selling
butchering waste. Element distributions from
cattle, calves, swine, and sheep found in town
sheep, calves, and sometimes even cattle in min-
garbage thus indicate when the processing and
householders and businesspeople who could use
imally butchered units. Not surprisingly, it was
sale of commercially produced meat began, and
and afford to pay for meat in quantity who
measure the extent to which urban consumers
bought from the large -scale planters. These
planters sometimes sold meat on credit to a few
depended on commercially produced foods.
The distribution of body parts on urban and
well- established regular customers, but most
rural sites shows that commercial butchers
transactions were either for cash or for offsetting
quickly became a regular feature of Chesapeake
goods and services.
town life. Middlemen established extensive
Faunal remains from professional households
reveal ( through a high proportion of meatier
butchering operations and purchased animals of
prime age that they sold to consumers as individual pieces of meat. Most town trash pits dat-
cuts and a scarcity of heads and feet) a greater
ing to the first half of the eighteenth century
contain higher proportions of meat bones than
found in sites associated with either gentry or
artisan families. They were clearly buying a lot
rural disposal sites,
somewhat fewer animal
of their meat from town middlemen as well as
heads, and many fewer feet. The degree of de-
from area planters. Many of these professionals
pendence on market sources varied with the so-
were recent immigrants who lacked connec-
cial
tions to country producers and so were more de-
and
economic
status
of
dependence on commercial suppliers than is
individual
households, but by the last quarter of the cen-
pendent
tury, no town household subsisted completely
native -born householders of similar wealth. If
on
commercial
sources
than
were
on meats they produced themselves.
How then did townsfolk get their meat?
professionals
Most wealthy urbanites supplied their tables
from their own plantations rather than buy in
the market. They had everything from fattened
other foods prima-
cattle to nuts, fruits, and firewood transported
their diets may have
to town from both nearby plantations and, in
suffered out of pro-
the case of live cattle and hogs, from other
portion
holdings up to two hundred miles away.
wealth, a hypothesis
Through such self provisioning, elite households retained - ll the benefits of a varied couna
that may help to explain the unexpectedly short
life spans recently found among urban profes-
try diet in the city. Outlays to middlemen were
sionals in early nineteenth -century northern
kept to a minimum by substituting the labor
time of both urban and rural slaves. The ubiq-
cities.`"
uity of such strategies, examples of which peri-
of meat supply than either gentry or profession-
purchased
also
most
rily from middlemen, the quality of
to
their
Town craftspeople had more mixed sources
odically appear in elite correspondence, are
als. Some were also immigrants, but others were
amply verified by the archaeological record.
Faunal remains from gentry town deposits are a
mirror image of those found on plantations.
In contrast, doctors, lawyers, ministers,
locally born with numerous kin in adjacent
rural areas. Many owned or rented house lots,
and still in the 1780s the majority kept a cow or
two in town. Some few had nearby farms from
teachers, and government officials bought much
which they could obtain meat, but most did not
of their meat from big area planters, as did tav-
own substantial amounts of either livestock or
emkeepers and some better off artisans. The ac-
count books show that large -scale planters
real property. Consequently most artisans also
depended primarily on commercial sources of
supplied
food, a dependency that the faunal remains sug-
selected
urban
customers
with
pork,
usually in the form of freshly killed whole ani-
gest increased as the century progressed.
mals, during the late fall /early winter slaughter
Chesapeake storekeepers rather unexpect-
time prevailing in the countryside, almost cer-
edly emerged along with large -scale planters as
major suppliers of town meat, particularly beef.
tainly by prior arrangement. They also delivered
Meat was the second most important foodstuff
in the typical urban Chesapeake merchant' s
beef, veal, mutton, and lamb in the appropriate
seasons, likely also by prior agreement. These
meats were sold in large units, usually whole animals in the case of lambs. Bigger beasts were
stock, ranking just after alcohol in total value of
sales. In part, storekeepers simply resold poultry,
often sold by the quarter or the side. Planters
sought to keep down processing and distribution
game, and bigger livestock some customers
brought in to exchange for imported goods, but
15
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Williamsburg building contractor, for exam-
miliar disadvantage of paying higher prices and
the middleman's markup for inferior food."
Eighteenth- century town dwellers' house-
ple —were also in the business of periodically
hold
vending country- raised beef and veal to urban
sumer' s perspective. Grains accounted for only
consumers.
they also purchased additional cattle and pork
to stock their stores. Mixed entrepreneurs —a
accounts provide
an alternative,
con-
perishable
about 15 percent of expenditures among all
sources of animal protein —
poultry, eggs, game
wealth groups represented by household ac-
birds and animals, and fish and shellfish —were
counts. Since less expensive com was the staple
in contrast raised or harvested and largely dis-
grain in the Chesapeake, town residents had to
tributed almost solely by petty hucksters. As-
devote only half as much for basic starches as
sorted marginal folk— slaves, free blacks, white
tenant farmers, watermen, and urban house-
did, for example, Philadelphians, who con-
Smaller
and
more
sumed primarily wheat bread. Gentry and
wealthy merchant families spent about a third
wives of varying rank —
quickly took advantage
that established farmers and retailers found too
of their total food budgets on meat, and meat
accounted for over 50 percent of expenditures
troublesome and unremunerative to pursue.
for locally produced foods. Alcohol was the
Poorer free townsfolk apparently had to rely
almost entirely on public markets, butchers, and
next most significant category, on average 20
shopkeepers for whatever meats they purchased,
feinated beverages, and fruits and vegetables
while urban slaves had to depend primarily on
added variety to the diet, but each accounted
their owners or employers. For these groups our
for less than 10 percent of food expenses. Less
conclusions are much more tentative. Poorer artisans, urban service workers dependent on
evidence is available for preferences and spend-
wages, and poor widows are virtually absent
our sense is that consumption patterns in indi-
from the big planters' ledgers and make up only
vidual households varied widely and sometimes
a small percentage of the storekeepers' recorded
even wildly. Some individuals or families were
customers. And while there is abundant docu-
simply unwilling to go without one or more gen-
mentary evidence about the provisioning of
erous servings of meat almost every day, and to
rural slaves, there is virtually none for slaves
pay accordingly, while others were content to
who lived in towns. We were also unable to fmd
any urban faunal assemblages that could be as-
get by on a diet of bread, poultry, eggs, and
cheese, regularly washed down with as generous
sociated with poor free white or black house-
a measure of rum punch as they could afford."
of this lacuna in the overall network of supply
percent. Poultry, dairy products, sugar, caf-
ing patterns among more middling sorts, and
holds, nor any for urban slaves that could be
clearly distinguished from their owners' refuse.
We do know that the quality of the meats
vended in public markets was sometimes ques-
tionable, the prices often high, and a stiff middle-
man's markup part of that high price. One critic
wrote of " meat for poverty not fit to eat, and
sometimes almost spoiled" hanging overlong in
the Williamsburg public market. Vendors
charged what they liked, " which is generally ex-
To conclude, this study suggests that when
exploring interrelationships between town and
orbitant enough, especially on publick times, or
when little meat is at market." If a whole side of
country, we should concentrate our attention
beef was not desired, the butcher charged an
Across the eighteenth century, urban protein
extra penny per pound to cut it into smaller
demands challenged the productive capabilities
pieces. Storekeepers may occasionally have extended credit for food purchases to a few needy
of surrounding farmers to a much greater extent
but well known customers, but most retail trans-
has provided concrete evidence of farmers' un-
actions involving townsfolk who lacked tangible
expectedly quick, albeit cautious, response to
assets that could be attached to secure debts were
quite small urban markets, evidence that di-
for cash only. Butchers, who were typically mar-
rectly challenges commonly held assumptions
ginal operators much too poor to be in a position
to advance credit, and petty hucksters with few
drawn either from general arguments about
farmers' mentalite or from standard documen-
other assets than their perishable stock in hand
tary sources. The leading question then ought
likely always sold only for ready cash. Free poor
indeed to be, not " Where's the corn?" but
not on grain markets but rather on meat supply.
than did grain requirements. Zooarchaeology
Whence the beef?"
people in Chesapeake towns shared the still fa16
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
Peter A. Coclanis, " Food Chains: The Burdens of the
Scale in Early Maryland: Some Limits to Growth in the
Re) Past," Agricultural History 72 ( Fall 1998): 663, 669,
Chesapeake System of Husbandry," Journal of Economic History 49, no. 2 ( 1989): 407 - 18.
673.
Lorena S. Walsh, " Chesapeake Planters and the Inter-
This project was funded by the National Endowment
for the Humanities, Grant RO- 22643 -93. Walsh served as
national Market, 1770 - 1820,"
project director; Joanne Bowen, Department of Archaeol-
Chesapeake and Beyond —A Celebration ( Crownsville, Md.:
ogy, Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, was the directing
Maryland
zooarchaeologist; and Ann Smart Martin, now of the Uni-
205 - 27.
Historical &
in Lois Green Carr: The
Cultural
Publications,
1992),
s For the standard corn ration see Russell R. Menard,
versity of Wisconsin, was the directing historian. Data bases
and preliminary results are reported in Lorena S. Walsh,
Ann Smart Martin, and Joanne Bowen, " Provisioning Early
American Towns, The Chesapeake: A Multidisciplinary
Case Study," Final Performance Report to the National En-
Agriculture and Society in Early Maryland ( Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 36- 37.
Billy G. Smith, The " Lower Sort ":Philadelphia' s Labor-
dowment for the Humanities, 1997, typescript, Rockefeller
ing People, 1750 - 1800 ( Ithaca: Comell University Press,
Lois Green Can and Lorena S. Walsh, Robert Cole' s World:
Library, Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Williamsburg,
1990),
Virginia. Unless otherwise noted, materials in this address
pound of wheat bread per day, Philadelphia workers con-
97 -98. Smith estimated that in addition to the
are drawn from this report.
sumed forty- five pounds of corn meal per year. If Chesa-
Most other studies touching on colonial North American provisioning systems are confined to New England and
peake residents are corn and wheat in inverse proportions,
this implies consumption of a bushel of wheat per year.
the Middle Colonies. These include Christopher Clark, The
1° The incorporation of urban provisioning into intema-
Roots of Rural Capitalism: Western Massachusetts, 1780 -1860
Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990); Winifred Barr
Rothenberg, From Market -Places to a Market Economy: The
Transformation of Rural Massachusetts, 1750 - 1850 ( Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1992); Karen J. Friedman,
Victualling Colonial Boston," Agricultural Hisrory 47 ( Sum-
tional markets is described in Lorena 5. Walsh, From Cal-
abar to Carter's Grove: The History of a Virginia Slave
Community ( Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia,
1997), chap. 4. See also Walsh, " Chesapeake Planters and
the International Market."
mer 1973): 189 -205; D. C. Smith and A. E. Bridges, " The
Smith, The " Lower Sort," 98- 99; Philip Ludwell Lee
Ledger, 1743 - 1783, M.S., Perkins Library, Duke University,
Brighton Market: Feeding Nineteenth -Century Boston,"
Durham, North Carolina, Lorena S. Walsh, " Consumer Be-
Agricultural History 56 ( Winter 1982): 3 - 21; J. Ritchie Garrison, " Farm Dynamics and Regional Exchange: The Con-
havior, Diet, and the Standard of Living in Late Colonial
and Early Antebellum America, 1770- 1840," in American
necticut Valley Beef Trade, 1670- 1850," Agricultural History
Economic Growth and Standards of Living Before the Civil War,
61 ( Summer 1987): 1 - 17; Andrew H. Baker and Holly V
ed. Robert E. Gallman and John Joseph Wallis ( Chicago:
Izard, " New England Farmers
the Marketplace,
University of Chicago Press, 1992), 217 - 64; Lorena S.
1730 - 1865: A Case Study," Agricultural History 65 ( Summer 1991): 29 -52; Joanne Bowen, "A Study of Seasonality
Walsh, " Work and Resistance in the New Republic: The
and Subsistence: Eighteenth -Century Suffield, Connecticut" (Ph. D. dins., Brown University, 1990); Joan M. Jensen,
to Wage Slaves: The Dynamics of Labour Bargaining in the
Americas, ed. Mary Turner ( Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 98 - 105. The estimates of town meat re-
and
Case of the Chesapeake, 1770 - 1820," in From Chattel Slaves
Loosening the Bonds: Mid Atlantic Farm Women, 1750 - 1850
New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986); and Peter O.
Wacker and Paul G. E. Clemens, Land Use in Early New Jersey: A Historical Geography ( Newark: New Jersey Historical
Society, 1995).
quirements include only the needs of permanent residents.
Walsh, Martin, and Bowen, Final Performance Report,
several hundred sailors for weeks and sometimes months
Both towns were periodically inundated with influxes of vis-
itors during meetings of the provincial court and legislature,
and Annapolis was a busy port that had also to provision
69- 73, 140 - 43, 175 -77.
each year, as well as cargos of African slaves and indentured
For England in earlier periods, see Bruce M. S. Camp-
and convict servants awaiting sale. Faunal assemblages from
bell, James Galloway, Derek Keene, and Margaret Murphy,
A Medieval Capital and its Grain Supply: Agrarian Production
Annapolis have significantly less butchery waste than any
Williamsburg assemblages.
and Distribution in the London Region, c. 1300, Historical Ge-
r Walsh, Martin, and Bowen, Final Performance Report,
108 - 11.
ography Research Series, no. 30 ( Belfast and London: Insti-
See, for example, Joanne Bowen, " A Comparative
tute of British Geographers, Historical Geography Research
Group, 1993); and Maryanne Kowaleski, Local Markets and
Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter ( Cambridge: Cambridge
Analysis of New England and Chesapeake Herding Systems," in Historical Archaeology of the Chesapeake, ed. Paul
University Press, 1995).
Shackel and Barbara Little ( Washington, D.C.: Smithson-
The extensive literature on the intemational market
ian Institution Press, 1994), 155 -68.
John W. Adams and Alice B. Kasakoff, " Migration
sector is surveyed in John J. McCusker and Russell R.
Menard, The Economy of British America, 1607 - 1789
and Adult Mortality in the American North in the Nine-
Chapel Hill: Published for the Institute of Early American
teenth Century" ( paper presented at the annual meeting of
History and Culture by the University of North Carolina
the Social Science History Association, Washington, D.C.,
1997); J. David Hacker, "Determinants of Adult Mortality
in Early America: Evidence from the Graduates of Yale Col-
Press, 1985). For large -scale Chesapeake planters' strate-
gies, see Lorena S. Walsh, " Plantation Management in the
Chesapeake, 1620 - 1820," Journal of Economic History 49,
lege, 1701- 1805" ( paper presented at the annual meeting of
the Social Science History Association, Chicago, 1995).
no. 2 ( 1989): 393 - 406; Lois Green Carr and Lorena S.
Walsh, " Economic Diversification and Labor Organization
Timothy Telltruth," Virginia Gazette, published by
Purdie and Dixon, 7 July 1768.
in the Chesapeake," in Work and Labor in Early America, ed.
Stephen Innes ( Chapel Hill: Published for the Institute of
Ann Smart Martin and Lorena S. Walsh. " Recon-
Early American History and Culture by the University of
structing Food Provisioning Systems in the Chesapeake"
paper presented at the annual meeting of the Economic
History Association, Durham, N.C., 1998)
North Carolina Press, 1988), 144- 88; and Lois Green Carr
and Russell R. Menard, " Land, Labor, and Economies of
17
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
English, French, and African settlers coming
from the coastal regions of Maryland, Virginia,
Laura is a member of the Interpreter Planning
Board and a volunteer for this publication.
She is a very civil woman and shews noth-
and the Carolinas.
In their preface, Moss and Hoffman acknowl-
ing of ruggedness, or Immodesty in her carriage,
edge that recipes attributed to backcountry
yett she will carry a gunn in the woods and kill
deer, turkey & c., shoot down wild cattle, catch
housewives are " almost nonexistent" and explain the use of diaries, wills, and inventories to
and tye hoggs, knock down beeves with an ax
document their research. Quotations from orig-
and perform manfull Exercises as well as most
inal sources are liberally sprinkled throughout
the book, giving it a personal dimension as well
men in those parts."
as historical perspective. Most of the recipes are
taken from the familiar eighteenth- and nine-
In this 1710 description of a frontier housewife, William Byrd refutes the erroneous im-
pression of a downtrodden female dutifully
following her husband to a new home in the
teenth- century classics such as The Art of Cook-
West. This year' s interpretive theme at Colonial
London, 1760), Martha Washington's Booke of
Cookery transcribed by Karen Hess ( New York:
Columbia University, 1981), The Virginia Housewife or Methodical Cook by Mary Randolph
ery Made Plain and Easy by Hannah Glasse
Williamsburg is " Taking Possession," the story of
the men and women who claimed the unknown
westem lands and fought over their possession.
Washington, D. C.: P. Thompson, 1828), and
The story began in 1607 and continued to unAmong its collection of cookbooks, the
Rockefeller Library contains a small treasure
American Cookery ( 1796) by Amelia Simmons
repr. New York: Oxford University Press, 1958).
A common misconception about early cook-
that supports this story line: The Backcountry
Housewife by Kay Moss and Kathryn Hoffman
books is that if recipes for a particular type of
food are not included, those foods were not part
fold into the nineteenth century.
Gastonia, N. C.: Schiele Museum, 1985). The
of the diet at that time or were not of that era.
book is a product of the Living History Project of
Salads are a good example of this omission be-
the Schiele Museum in Gastonia, North Car-
cause, as Moss and Hoffman point out, they
were a simple, familiar, easily prepared dish for
olina. The authors define the backcountry as the
area " beyond the fall
line, in the piedmont
and mountains
of the
Atlantic Coast States."
Settlement of this region occurred from
north to south follow-
ing the Great Wagon
Road used largely by
Pennsylvania
immi-
grants originally from
Germany and Northern Ireland (the " Ulster
Scots "), who joined the
A frontier farm.
18
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
which a written recipe was not needed. The fer-
tile new farms of the frontier yielded wild and
To Make Gravy
Take a piece of beef a piece of veal, and a
cultivated greens such as lettuces, spinach, sor-
piece of mutton: cut them into as small
rel, tresses, parsley, and even the flowers of the
redbud tree, which, when mixed with an oil and
pieces as you can, and take a large deep
sauce pan with a cover, lay your beef at
vinegar dressing, made a tasty dish. A Moravian
bottom, then your mutton, then a very lit-
record from North Carolina claims that bear fat
tle piece of bacon, a slice or two of carrot,
with salad, is as good as Olive Oil" truly a re-
some mace, cloves, whole pepper black and
white, a large onion cut in slices, a bundle
sourceful substitute for a hard -to- obtain ingredient.
of sweet herbs, and then lay in your veal.
Hannah Glasse recommended broccoli as a
Cover it close over a slow fire for six or
salad: " Broccoli is a pretty dish by way of salad
in the middle of the table; boil it like asparagus
seven minutes, shaking the sauce -pan now
and then: then shake some flour in, and
lay it in your dish, beat up with oil and vine-
have ready some boiling water; pour it in
gar and a little salt. Garnish with nastertium
till you cover the meat and something
more. Cover it close, and let it stew until it
buds." She jumped right into the twenty-first
century with her advice on how to cook broc-
is quite rich and good; then season it to
coli ( or any fresh vegetable) when she said,
Most people spoil garden things by over - oilb
ing them. All things that are green should have
a little crispness, for if they are over boiled,
they neither have any sweetness or beauty."
your taste with salt, and strain it off. This
will do for most things.
Another of her unusual recipes for a meat
dish not only uses sweet herbs and spices but
also includes root vegetables, which benefit
Cabbage was an exception, and her recipe for
from a longer, slower cooking process.
Red Cabbage Dressed after the Dutch Way" is
To Stew Beef -Gobbets
Get any Piece of beef except the leg, cut it
a delicious " over- boiled" dish that doubled as
Good for a Cold in the Breast."
in pieces about the bigness of a pullet's egg,
Red Cabbage
put them in a stew pan, cover them with
Dressed after the Dutch Way
water, let them stew, skim them clean, and
Take the cabbage, cut it small and boil it
soft, then drain it, and put it in a stew -pan
when they have stewed an hour, take
with sufficient quantity of oil and butter, a
muslin rag loose, some celery cut small, put
mace, cloves, and whole pepper tied in a
little water and vinegar, and an onion cut
them into the pan with some salt, turnips
small, season it with pepper and salt, and
and carrots pared and cut in slices, a little
let it simmer on a slow fire till all the
liquor is wasted.
parsley, a bundle of sweet herbs, and a
large crust of bread. You may put in an
ounce of barley or rice, if you like it. Cover
Herbs, rather than cabbage, served the dual
it close, and let it stew till it is tender; take
purpose of flavorings in cooking and remedies
for sickness. The brief section on herbs in
out the herbs, spices, and bread, and have
Backcountry Housewife solves the mystery of the
meaning of " sweet herbs," an ingredient listed
ready fried a French roll cut in four. Dish
up all together and send it to table.
in many recipes without explanation of which
Line drawings throughout this cookbook are
herbs to use. Parsley, sage, rosemary, thyme,
combination) are defined as sweet herbs. Just
a visual inventory of a frontier kitchen, but the
primary quotations give the book its special flavor. By 1809, another impression of a frontier
as instructions to " salt and pepper to taste" give
housewife emerged when William D. Martin
marjoram, savory, chives, and chervil ( or any
no specific measurements, " sweet herbs" relied
wrote about meeting a woman in Salisbury,
upon the ingenuity and skill of the eighteenth -
North Carolina. "His lady had every appearance
century cook to use whatever was available.
of gentility in her person, features 67.. manners;
Cooks attempting to duplicate eighteenth -cen-
nor had the qualities of her mind been less the
tury recipes are sometimes puzzled by the unusual combination of sweet herbs with spices
object of Nature's bounty," which leaves little
doubt that the backcountry housewife who
such as cloves, nutmeg, cinnamon, and ginger
worked with her hands in the hard, physical
that today are usually associated with pastries
labor of creating a new home, also preserved
and desserts. Glasse' s instructions for making
family traditions and civility of manners, which
gravy are an example of such a recipe.
she grafted onto her new life.
19
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
New in the Janice McCoy Memorial
cleverly illustrated ( by Jan Davey Ellis) paper-
Collection at the John D. Rockefeller,
back book, will appeal to young cooks. The easy -
Jr. Library
to- follow recipes use modem ingredients and
utensils. Each ends with a short paragraph ex-
Loretta Frances Ichord has written a cook-
plaining the differences in ingredients and equip-
book that will delight teachers and parents who
ment available to colonial cooks making the
want to re- create eighteenth- century foods with
their children. Hasty Pudding, Johnnycakes, and
Other Good Stuff: Cooking in Colonial America
same dish. Suggestions for using the recipes in
the classroom and an excellent bibliography are
extra bonuses in a book that provides much needed information about colonial foodways.
Brookfield, Conn.: Millbrook Press, 1998), a
culinary history and cookbook combined in a
Nicholas Cresswell Journal, 1774 - 1777
Nicholas Cresswell ( 1751 - 1804) of Derbyshire, England, came to America hoping to acquire land and settle permanently. He visited or lived in Barbados, Maryland, Virginia, western Pennsylvania, Kentucky,
Philadelphia, and New York before returning to England. In a journal that he kept along the way, Cresswell
recorded notes about the people and places he encountered. Of particular interest for the " Taking Possession"
story line are his descriptions of the frontier of Virginia and the towns and Native American villages through
which he passed, as well as his observations on the customs both of Indians and white people in the region.
The journal was published under the title The Journal of Nicholas Cresswell, 1774 - 1777 ( New York: The
Dial Press, 1924; repr. Port Washington, N. Y: Kennikat Press, 1968). The original manuscript is in Special
Collections at the John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Library.
Hopewell, a fine Plantation belonging to Mr.
Leesburg, Loudoun County, Virginia— Sunday,
Jacob Hite. Here is some of the Finest Land I
ever saw either for the plow or pasture. Got to
Mr. Wm. Gibbs, an acquaintance of Mr. Kirks.
November 27th, 1774
Got to Leesburg, 40 miles from Alexandria.
The Land begins to grow better. A Gravelly soil
We have traveled over some as fine land to day
and Produces good Wheat but the roads are
for about 25 Miles as I would wish to see. Limestone in general. Abounds with Shumack, Wall -
very bad, Cut to pieces with the Waggons, number_
ofthem we have met to day. Their method
of mending the roads is with poles about 10
Foot long layd across the road close together
they stick fast in the mud and make an excel-
nut,
and
Locust
trees
which
are
certain
indications that the Lands are rich, pretty level,
it is Rocky in some places, but affords excellent
pasturage and well watered. Produces good
lent Causeway. Very thinly peopled along the
Wheat and Barley. The people appears to be
road almost all Woods. Only one Publick house
more industerous in this part of the Country
than they are on the other side of the Blueridge.
between this place and Alexandria.
Monday, December 5th, 1774
Winchester]— Wednesday, December 7th,
Set out in co[ mpany] with Captn. Budde-
1774
comb and Mr. Moffit. Crossed the Blue Ridge.
This is a High Barren Mountain, produceing
Saw Four Indian Chiefs of the Shawneess
Nation Who have been at War with the Virginians this Summer, but have made peace with
nothing but Pines. It runs North and South
through Virginia and Maryland, Carolina's and
them, and are sending these people to Williamsburg as Hostages.
They are tall, manly, well shaped men, of a
Copper Colour with Black Hair, Quick piercing
Pennsylvania. Crossed the Shanandoe River on
the West Side of the Mountain. Here is some of
the Finest Land I have ever seen. This is calld
Keys Ferry. Got to Whitheringtons Mill. Lodged
at a Poor house. The land is exceedingly fine
Eyes, and good features. They have rings of Silver in their nose and bobs to them which hangs
From the Shan do River to this place - 80 miles
over their uper lip. Their ears are cut from the
from Alexandria.
tip, two thirds of the way round and the piece
extended with Brass wire till it touches their
Frederick County, Virginia— Tuesday, Decem-
Shoulders, in this part they hang a thin silver
plate wrought in Flourishes about 3 Inches di-
ber 6th, 1774
Went from the Mill to a place called
ameter, with plates of Silver round their arms
20
�Uo1. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
and in the Hair which is all cut of[f] except a
This is one of the most dismal places lever saw.
Long Lock on the top of the head, they are in
whitemens dress excep Breeches which they re-
The lofty Pines abscures the Sun, and the thick
fuse to wear, instead of which they have a girdle
is very narrow and full of large stones and
round them with a piece of Cloath drawn
Boggs. I measured a Pine that was blown down
Laurels are like a Hedge on each side the Road
through their Legs and turned over the girdle
and appears like a short apron before and behind. All the Hair is pulled from their eye brows
and eye lashes and their Face painted in differ-
130 Ft. Long. Camped about 2 Miles West of
the Shades 28m.
Sunday, April 9th, 1775
ent parts with Vermilion. They walk remarkable
Crossed the Little Meadow Mountain, sup-
streight and cut a Grotesque appearance in this
posed to be the highest part of the Apalachian
mixed dress. Got to Mr. Gibbs in the evening.
or Allegany mountain. The waters begin to fall
to the Westward. Crossed the Negro- mountain
and the Winding ridge. Crossed the Line between Maryland and Pennsylvania, it is cut
through the Woods in a West course from some
part of Delawar Bay about 20 Yards wide —it is
on the top of the Winding Ridge. Crossed the
Youghaganey River at the Begg Crossings.
Camped 2 miles West of it. Shot some Pheasants which has made a good supper.
Monday, April 10th, 1775
Crossed the Fallen Timbers. Occasioned by a
violent Gust of wind from the East. The Trees
Natural Bridge, Virginia
are either tore up by the roots or broke off near
the ground, some Oaks 2 Foot diameter are
Sunday— Tuesday, January 8th, 9th, and 10th,
broke off and the top carried to a considerable
1775
distance. Scarcely one tree Left standing. I am
These three days I have spent in makeing inquireing about the nature and situation of the
told it continues 100 Miles in a West course and
about a Mile broad. Dined at the great Mead -
Land in_the_Illinois Country and have fortunately met with two Gentlemen who resided
there some time. The Lands are exceeding rich,
ows— A large Marshey place clear of trees. Saw
the Vestages of Fort Necessity, this was a small
Picketed Fort built by Colnl. Washington in the
Produces Tobacco, Indigo and Wheat, Situated
Year 1754. About a Mile to the Westward of this
at the Conjunction of the Ohio with the Mis-
Fort General Braddock is buried at a small Run.
sisippi Rivers, about 1000 Miles from New Orleans, And 2000 Miles from this place
They tel me he was buried in the middle of the
road to prevent the Indians diging up his body.
Alexandria]. It likewise abounds with Lead
Crossed the Laurel mountain. Saw the place
and Mines of Copper, But very few inhabitants
and those French. I am told by these Gentlemen
where Colonel Dunbar was encamped when he
that their will be some risque in going down the
received the news of General Braddocks defeat
in 1755. Great quantities of broken Bomb Shells
Ohio River, The Indians often cut the White
Cannon Bullets and other Military stores scat-
people of in their passage down to the Missis-
sippi. I Think I have a prospect of making it
tered in the woods. This is called the Laurel
mountain from the great quantities of Laurel
worthwhile and will hazard the passage.
that grows upon it. A most delightful Prospect
of the country to the westward of it. Called at
Gist's Fort. Crossed the Yaughagany River at the
Apalachian Mountain] —Saturday, April 8th,
Stewards Crossings. Got to Zachariah Connels
1775
Brotherinlaw to George Rice. Much fatigued
Slept very well last night considering the
hardness of our bed. Crossed the Knobby mountain. Called at Creigs Tavern for a supply of
Rum —then over the Devils hunting ground to
this evening. Heavy Rain most part of the day.
West Augusta County, Virginia— Tuesday,
Tittles Tavem. This is the worst road I ever saw
large rocks and Boggs. Crossed the Savage
April 11th, 1775
mountain, and through the Shades of Death-
one entire Mountain but a number piled one on
The Apalachian or Allegany mountain is not
21
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
top of another with some narrow Valleys between them. The mountains are Barren and
Rockey, But the Valleys th'o very narrow, are in
general Rich, very thinly Inhabited. The road is
but very indifferent tho loaded Waggons frequently cross it in the Summer. Here is some excellent land about this place and all the way
from the foot of the Mountain.
Every necessary of life is very dear here provisions in particular occationed by the Indian War
last Summer. Grain is not to be got for money. In
the evening went to Mr.Valentine Crafords with
Capin. Douglass —with much difficulty have got
half a Bushel of Rye for my horse.
Fort Pitt], Virginia— Sunday, April 16th,
1775
Left Mr. DeCamp's. Traveled over small hills,
Woods and dirty roads to Bush Creek called at
a Mill where by acting the Irishman got a feed
of Com for our horses. Crossed Turttle Creek.
Fort Pitt in 1759, sixteen years before Cresswell's
Dined at Myers Ordinary. After dinner got a
visit. Courtesy, Collections of the Pennsylvania
Department, The Carnegie Library of Pittsburgh.
man to conduct us to the place where General
Braddock was defeated by the French and Indians the 9th of July 1755. It is on the Banks of
bers of bones both men and horses. The trees
the Mon- in - -ha -ley River, found great numga
close in the forks of the Rivers. It was built originally by the French deserted by them and the
are gauled, I suppose by the Artillery.
It appears to me the Front of our Army never
English took possession of it under the Command of General Forbes, November 24th, 1758.
extended more then 300 Yards and the greates
Beseiged by the Indians but relieved by Colonel
slaughter seems to have been made within 400
Bouquet in August 1763. Deserted and demol-
Yards of the River where it is level and full of
ished by our troops about three Years ago, But
repaired last summer by the Virginians and has
under wood farther from the River it is hilly and
some Rocks where the Enemy would still have
the advantage of the ground. We could not find
now a small Garrison in it. It is a Pentagonal
form. Three of the Bastions and two of the Cur-
one whole Skull all of them Broke to pieces in
tains Faced with Brick the rest Picketed. Bar-
the uper part, some of them had holes broke in
them about an Inch diameter, suppose it to be
racks for a considerable number of men, and
there is the remains of a Genteel house for the
done with a Pipe Tommahawk. I am told the
Govemour but now in ruins, as well as the Gar-
wounded were all Massacred by the Indians.
Got to Fort Pitt in the Evening. Land very good
dens which are beautifully situated on the
Banks of the Allegany well planted with Apple
and Peach trees. It is a strong place for Mus-
but thinly Inhabited. Our Landlord seems to be
very uneasy to know where we come from.
quetery, but was Cannon to be brought against
it, very defenceless several eminences within
Cannon Shot. Spent the evening at Mt. Cam -
Monday, April 17th, 1775
bels an Indian trader in town.
After Breakfast, Waited on Major John Con -
noly Commandant at the Fort to whom I had a
Mon- in - a -ha -ley River —Tuesday, May 2nd,
g
Letter of introduction. Find him a Haughty imperious man. In the Afternoon, viewing the
1775
town and Fort. It is pleasantly situated at the
Proceeded down the River our Canoos are so
conjunction of the Moningahaley and Allegany
Rivers the Moningahaley on the S. W. and the
Allegany on the North side the town. These
heavily loaded that we are in great danger of
two Rivers make the Ohio. The town is small
crankness
about 30 houses the people Chiefly in Indian
trade. The Fort is some distance from the town
Called at Fort Pitt and bought some necessaries
overseting the water is within three inches of
the Gunnel which added to the exceeding
of
our
vessel
makes
me
uneasy.
such as Lead, Flints, & some Silver trinkits to
22
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
barter with the Indians. Dined at Mr. John
Campbells. After dinner proceeded down the
Ohio River passed McKey' s Island, it is about a
mile long and belongs to Captn. Alexander
McKey, Superintendent of Indian affairs.
Camped at the lower end of Montures Islands —
three fine Islands belonging to John Monture a
half Indian —the Land exceedingly rich.
Bear" from John Brickell, The Natural History
Ohio River —Wednesday, May 17th, 1775
of North Carolina, 1737.
Stopped at Brackens Creek and went a
hunting ( as they call it here). Mr. Rice, John-
Friday, May 19th, 1775
ston, and I went together in a short time Mr.
Proceeded down the River passed the mouth
of the little Miamme River on the N:W:, and
Rice fired at a Buffaloe. Johnston and I went to
him and found him standing behind a tree
loading his Gun and the beast lay' d down about
100 yds. from him as soon as he was ready we
fired at him again upon which he got up and
Salt River or Licking Creek, on the S: E. Saw an
Elk and a Bear cross the River but could not get
a shot at them. Got to the mouth of the Great
run about a quarter of a mile where our dogs
Miamme River on the N:W: it is about 100 Yds.
bayed Him till we came up and shot him. It was
a large Bull from his breast to the top of his
wide at the mouth and appears to be pritty gen-
shoulder measured 3 feet from his nose to his
the land on the S: E. side of the Ohio River it is
tail 9 feet 6 Inches, black and short hornes all
have weighd a Thousand. Camped a little
a little hilly but rich beyond Conception. Wild
Clover what they here call wild Oates and Wild
Rye in such plenty it might be mown and would
turn out a good crop, the great quantity of Grass
below the Creek.
makes it disagreeable walking. The land is thin
tle current, stoped to Cook and take a view of
before his shoulders long hair, from that to the
tail as short as a mouse. I am certain he would
of timber and little underwood— drifted all
night.
Buffelo" from John Brickell, The Natural His-
tory of North Carolina, 1737.
Elke" from John Brickell, The Natural History
of North Carolina, 1737.
Thursday, May 18th, 1775
Ohio River —Sunday, May 21st, 1775
All hands employed in curing our Buffaloe
meat, which is done in a peculiar manner —the
Proceeded down the River about noon got
meat is first cut from the bones in thin slices like
beefstakes then four forked sticks is stuck in the
to the mouth of the Kentuckey River on the
ground in a square form and small stiks layed on
mile wide here —the Kentuckey is about 130
these forks in the form of a gridiron about three
yards wide at the mouth and continued it's
feet from the ground, the meat is lay' d on this
width about two miles when we camped in a
and a slow fire put under it, and tumed till it is
Beechey bottom. Our Co. in great feare of the
drye. This is called Jirking thee meat. I believe
Indians some of them insisted on sleeping with-
it is and Indian method of preserving meat it
answers very well where salt is not to be had,
out a fire after a long contest it was agreed to
put the fire out when we went to sleep, but I
and will keep a long time if it be secured from
the wet — leane parts eats very dry The Bufthe
falo flesh difers little from beef —
only ranker
believe it was not done whatever my compan-
taste. Hot weather.
situation. Rainey weather.
S: E. side. The Ohio is about three quarters of a
ions may be I am not uneasy. I suppose it is because I
23
do not know the
danger of our
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Kentucky River —Wednesday, May 24th, 1775
hind their Shoulders is short as that on a horse.
Land in general covered with Beech. Limestone in large flags. Few rivulets empties into
the River, or few springs to be seen, which
In the winter they are covered with long soft
curling hair like wool —their tails are short with
a bunch of long hair at the end when they run
they carry them erect. Some of them will weigh
when fat 14 to 15 Hundred and are good eating
particularly the hump which I think makes the
finest stakes in the world they feed in large herds
and are exceedingly Fierce when wounded.
Their sense of smelling is exquisite if you get
Leeward of them you may go up to them, or at
leaste within shot, but if you are windward they
run long before they see you. They are fond of
makes me suppose the country is badly wattered.
Salt or Brackish water. Springs of this sort have
large roads made to them as large as most Pub -
lick roads in a populous Country. They eat great
quantities of a sort of reddish Clay found near
Brakish springs. I have seen amazeing large holes
dug or rather cut by them in this sort of earth,
wheather it is impregnated with Saline particles
or not, I cannot determine —they do not roare
like other Cattle but Grunt like Hoggs. Got a
large fine Canoo out of some drift wood with
great Labour, but her stem is beat off and several
bullet holes in her bottom which we intend to
Bison" by Mark Catesby.
repair tomorrow. Excessive hot.
Camped at a place where the Buffaloes cross
the River —in the night was alarmed when a
plunging in the River, in a little time Mr. Johnston ( who slept on board) called out for help,
we run to his assistance with our Arms and to
our great Mortification and surprize found one
of our Canoos that had all our flour on board
sunk, and would have been inevitably lost, had
it not been fixt to the other. We immediately
hauled our shattered Vessel to the shore and
Landed our things tho greatly damaged. It was
done by the Buffaloes crossing the River from
that side where the Vessel was mored. Fortu-
nately for Mr. Johnston he slept in that Canoo
Exhumation of a Mastodon," oil on canvas, by
next the shore, the Buffaloe jumped over him,
Charles Willson Peale. Courtesy, The Maryland
Historical Society, Baltimore, Maryland.
into the other and split it about fourteen foot.
Mr. Nourses and Mr. Taylors servants usually
slept on board, but had by mistake brought their
Blankets on shore this evening and were too
Ohio River —
Saturday, June 17th, 1775
lazy to go on board again or probably they had
This morning set out for the Ellephant Bone
Lick which is only three miles S: E. of the River
however we lost our way and I suppose traveled
twenty miles before we found it. Where the
bones are found is a large muddy Pond a little
more than knee deep with a salt Spring in it
both been kiled.
Sunday, June 11th, 1775
Buffaloes are a sort of wild cattle but have a
large hump on the top of their shoulders all
which I suppose preserves the bones sound.
Found several bones of a prodigious size I take
them to be Ellephants, for we found a part of a
Black and their necks and shoulders covered
with long shaggy hair with Large bunches of hair
growing on their fore thighs, short Horns bending forwards, short noses peircing Eyes and
Tusk about two Foot long, Ivory to all appearance, but by leng of time had grown yellow and
bearded like a goat, in the Summer the hair be24
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
very soft. All of us striped and went into the
swade them to stay as they all expect to be kiled
before morning.
pond to grabble for teeth found several. Joseph
Bassiers found a jaw tooth which he gave me, it
Pole Cat" from
John Brickell, The
was judged by the co. to weight 10 pound. I got
a shell of a Tusk of Hard and good Ivory about
Natural History
eighteen Inches long. There is a great number
of North Carolina, 1737.
of bones in a Bank on the side of this pond of an
Enormous size but Decayed and rotten. Ribs 9
inches broad, Thigh bones 10 Inches Diameter.
What sort of Animals these was is not Clearly
known. All the traditionary accounts by the In-
Tuesday, July 4th, 1775
Got to mouth of the Little Conhaway about
noon when I found myself very sick at the
dians is that they were White Buffaloes that
kiled themselves by Drinking Salt water. It appears to me from the shape of their Teeth that
Stomach for want of meat, went a shore & got
they were Grasseaters. There neither is or ever
a little Ginseng root and chewed it which refresh'd me exceedingly, in the Evening got to
was any Ellephants in North or South America
that I can leame, or any Quadruped one tenth
one Doctor Briscoe' s plantation about a mile
from the River, it was night when we got their
part as large as these was, if one may be allowed
to judge from the appearance of these bones,
found the house deserted no Com, Fowls or
which must have been Considerably larger than
meat of any kind.
Wee all went into
the Garden dark as it
they are now. Captn. Hancock Lee told me he
had found a Tusk here that was Six Foot long
very sound but Yellow. These tusks are like
was, to get Cucum-
those brought from the Coast of Africa. Saw
bers, or any thing we
some Buffaloes but kiled none. Several Indian
could
find
that
we
wou' d eat, found
paintings on the trees. Got plenty of Mulberries
a
Potatoe bed and I eat
about a Dozen of them
very sweet and pleasant fruit but bad for the
teeth. One of the co. shot a Deer. The loudest
Thunder & Heaviest Rain I ever saw this after-
raw and thought them
the most delicious food I ever eat in my life.
Heavy and constant rain all day —made a fire in
noon. Got to the Camp well wet and most
heartily tired. A D–d Irish rascal has broke a
piece of my Ellephant tooth, put me in a violent
the house, dryed ourselves, and went to sleep.
passion can write no more.
Very much Fatigued.
Saturday, June 24th, 1775
Wednesday, July 5th, 1775
This morning set out to the Lick without
breakfast. The reason was we had nothing to
Canoo for our Kettle the rest plundered about
eat, three of us stayed at the Lick till the after-
the plantation and got some young Cabbages,
noon waiting for the Buffaloes but saw none.
Squashes and Cimbelines.
This morning one of the Co. went to the
When our out Hunters came loaded with meat
This medley of Vegetables we boiled all to-
and informed us they had kiled a Buffaloe about
gether and seasoned it with pepper & Salt made
five mile off set out and found it, and loaded
a most Ellegant repast —proceeded to French
ourselves and returned to the Camp, but never
Creek where Cresops people overtook us but
woud not give a mouthful of Victuals. Rain all
so much fatigued before. Haveing allready expe-
day one of our people sick, I gave half a Dollar
rienced the want of victuals was willing to guard
for about two ounces of Bread for him.
against it for the future. I believe I have exerted
myself more than I can beare, it is judged by the
West Augusta— Saturday, August 12th, 1775
Co. that I brought between 70 and 80 pound of
meate, exclusive of my Gun and Shotpouch, to
No prospect of getting money for Bills upon
add to my distress my shoesoles came off and I
Mr. Kirk here. This evening Captn. James Wood
was obliged to walk bare foot for six miles. Find
arived here from the Indian town. He had been
myself very unwell. Shot a Pole Cat. One of our
Co. missing all the rest ( except Tilling and my-
sent to invite the Indians to a Treaty at Fort Pitt
self) are for going this evening as they expect he
vention of Virginia had employed him. He says
that an English Officer & a French man from
to be held on the tenth of Septembr. The Con-
is kiled by the Indians, But I think he has lost
himselfe in the Woods. Very arduous task to per-
Detroit had been at all the Indian towns to per25
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
swade the Indians not to go to any Treaty held
When I got there to my great Disappoint-
by the [ illegible word]. But tels us his superior
ment and surprize, found Three Indian women
Elloquence prevailed and all the different Na-
and a little Boy. I believe they was as much surprised as I was. None of them could speak Eng-
tions he has been at will certainly attend the
Treaty.
lish and I cou' d not speak Indian alighted and
marked the path I had come, and that I had left,
Fort Pitt—Saturday, August 19th, 1775
on the ground with the end of my stick, made a
Waiting for Mr. Anderson —Employed an In-
small channel in the earth which I poured full of
dian Woman to make me a pair of Mockeysons,
water, layed some fire by the side of it, and then
Leggings. This evening two of the Pensylva-
lay' d myselfe down by the side of the fire re-
nia Delegates to Treat with the Indians, Arived
peating the name of Anderson which I soon understood they knew.
here Escorted by a party of paltry Light horse Colnl. Arthur St. Clair and Colnl. James Will-
son. Suped and spent the evening with them.
Indian Country —Sunday, August 27th, 1775
My Landlady remarkable kind to me owing to
my Political sentiments agreeing with hers. She
is by nature a most Horrid Vixen.
Proceeded on our Journey and about noon
got to an Indian Town called Whale- hak tuppake, or the Town with a good Spring, On the
banks of the Muskingham, and inhabited by
Indian Country —Saturday, August 26th, 1775
Dellawar Indians.
Set out early this morning traveled very hard
Christianized under the Moravian Sect, it is
till noon, when we pased through the largest
Plum tree Thicket I ever saw. I believe it was a
a pretty town consisting of about Sixty houses
built of Loggs and covered with Clapboards. It is
mile long nothing but Plum & Cherry Trees.
regularly layed out in three spacious streets
Kiled a Rattlesnake. Just as the Sun went down
we stoped to get our Supper on some Dear
which meet in the Center where there is a large
Berrys ( a small berry something like a Goosberry). Mr. Anderson had done before me and
covered with Shingles, Glass in the windows
said he would ride on about two miles to a small
forms. Adorned with some few pieces of Scripture painting but very indifferently executed.
All about the Meeting house is keept very
meeting house built of Loggs Sixty foot square
and a Bell, a good plank floor with two rows of
run where he intended to Camp, as soon as I
had got sufficient.
I mounted my Horse and followed him til I
clean.
In the evening went to the meeting, But
never was I more astonished in my life, I expected to have seen nothing but Anarchy and
came to a place where the road forked, I took
the path that I supposed he had gone and rode
til it began to be dark when I immagined myself
to be wrong, and there was not a possibility of
me finding my way back in the night. Deter-
Confusion, as I have been taught to looke upon
mined to stay where I was til morning. I had no
sooner lighted from my horse, but I discovered
here is the greatest regularity, order, and Decorum, I ever saw in any place of Worship, in my
life. With that Solemnity of Behaviour and
these beings with contempt. Instead of that,
the glimmering of a Fire about four Hundred
Yards from me. This rejoiced me exceedingly
supposeing it was Mr. Anderson.
Modest, Religious deportment would do Hon -
nor to the first religious Society on earth, and
put a Bigot or Enthusiast out of countenance.
The parson was a Dutchman but preached in
English. He had an Indian interpreter that ex-
plained it to the Indians by sentences. They sing
in the Indian language. The men sits on one
rowe of Forms, and the women on the other
with the children in the front each sex comes in
and goes out on their own side of the house.
The Old men sits on each side the parson.
Treated with Tea, Coffee &
Boiled Bacon at
supper the Sugar they make themselves out of
the sap of a certain tree. Lodged at white mans
house maried to an Indian Woman.
Rattlesnake" by Mark Catesby.
26
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
Fort Pitt —
Sunday, September 17th, 1775
place according to Seniority, and a profound si-
Here are members of Congress to treat with
the Indians. Delegates from the Conventions of
Virginia &
Pensilvania for the purpose, and
Commissioners from the Convention of Virginia to settle the accounts of the last Campaign
lence ensued for the space of ten minutes. One
of their old men then got up and spoke a few
words to the Delegates signifying that he hoped
they shoud brighten the Chain of Friendship,
and gave them a small string of white wampum
several others spoke and gave Wampum. Then
against the Indians. All Colns., Majors or Captains —and very bigg with their own impor-
they lighted a pipe and smoaked with everyone
in the house out of one pipe. The Delegates had
an artfull speech prepared for them, and ad-
tance— Confound them alltogether. Collonial
disputes are very high between Virginia & Pen silvania and if not timely Suppressed will end in
journed the Business til to- morrow. The Indians
seem a little confused.
tragical consequences.
Saturday, September 30th, 1775
Monday, September 25th, 1775
Informed that the Shawnee Indians were at
Went over the River and bought a Porcupine
Logstown. Went over the Allegany River with
Skin of an Indian. It is something like our
Mr. Douglass to get Island Grapes. This is a
small Grape and grows on low vines on the
Hedghog at home, only the Quills are longer,
gravilly beeches and Islands in the River, But
work them on their trinkets. Mr. Edward Rice
the Indians die them of various colours and
the most Delicious Grape I ever eat.
promised me his horse to carry me to V.
Tuesday, September 26th, 1775
Crafords on monday. Sold my Gun to Mr. James
Berwick, who gave me a coppy of the Indian
speech. Saw the Indians Dance in the Council
This morning N: informed me that the Indi-
house. N: very uneasy she weeps plentifuly. I am
unhappy that this Honest Creature has taken
such a Fancy to me.
ans wou' d come to the Council fire, About
noon the Shawnee &
Dellaware Indians with
one of the Ottawa Chiefs crosse' d the River in
two Canoos about thirty in number. They were
met at the River side by the Delegates and Gar-
Wednesday, October 11th, 1775
Crossed the Falling Timbers, Yaugh -a -gany
River, at the Great Crossing, Laurel mountain.
rison under arms who saluted them with a Vol-
ley, which the Indian Warriors returned, then
proceeded to the Council house. Danceing,
Breakfasted at Rices Tavern. Then over the
Beating theDrum, and Singing the Peace Song,
winding ridg, Crossed the Maryland line, and
all the way. When they got to the Council
house the Danceing ceased and all took their
Negro Mountain. Lodged at Tumblestones Tay-
em on the top of the Allegany mountain.
27
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Dr. John de Sequeyra:
A Biographical Sketch
by Susan Pryor
Susan is a historical interpreter in the Galt Apothe-
cary Shop.
Dr. John de Sequeyra, a Sephardic Jew of
Portuguese extraction, was born in London in
1712. This distinguished family produced sev-
eral doctors, including his grandfather, father,
and brother. In 1736, de Sequeyra left England
to begin medical studies at the University of
Leiden in Holland, the leading medical school
on the Continent. He reportedly studied with
famous clinician Hermann Boerhaave. On Feb-
ruary 3, 1739, de Sequeyra received his medical
degree, then remained in Holland at least one
more year. He sailed for Virginia in 1745, set-
tling in Williamsburg, where he developed a
lasting friendship with prominent apothecary
Dr. John de Sequeyra.
John Minson Galt. When Galt left for London
Courtesy, Winterthur Museum.
in 1767 to continue his medical studies at St.
Thomas' s Hospital, de Sequeyra presented him
Galt and Philip Barraud were appointed to fill
the post as joint visiting physicians. Dr. de Sequeyra reportedly devoted considerable time to
treating the mentally ill as well as patients who
became physically ill. He relied more on drugs
than on bloodletting.
Dr. de Sequeyra was highly respected both by
colleagues and citizens of Williamsburg. In Oc-
with a copy of Physical Essays on the Parts of the
Human Body and Animal CEconomy ( London,
1734).
Soon after de Sequeyra's arrival in Virginia,
he began " Notes on Diseases of Virginia," a
yearly account of the prevalent diseases afflicting people in Williamsburg and the surrounding
tober 1770, he and Dr. William Pasteur attended Governor Botetourt in his last illness of
area between 1745 and 1781. His accounts often
included treatments and notes on their effec-
bilious fever and St. Anthony's Fire ( erysipelas).
tiveness. During the smallpox epidemic of
1747/ 48, he kept a registry by household of
Williamsburg residents. In it, he noted the persons affected by the disease, persons not affected, and the people who died. This registry,
True State of the Small Pox Febry 22d.
A year earlier de Sequeyra had been consulted
by George Washington to treat his stepdaughter
Patsy' s epilepsy. The doctor corresponded with
Thomas Jefferson who credited him with intro-
1747/ 48," illustrates how unforgiving a conta-
ducing the tomato into Virginia. Although
many thought the fruit to be poisonous, de Se-
gious disease like smallpox was, striking rich and
queyra believed greatly in its life -lengthening
poor, prominent and not so prominent, black
powers. He also shared Jefferson' s interest in
and white alike. The registry provides historians
wine. Along with eighty- three other prominent
with census -like information on the population
Virginians, the physician subscribed annually
of Williamsburg, during this early time In addi-
for several years to a prize for producing the best
tion to these records, de Sequeyra' s notebooks
wine in the colony.
contain several other medical essays: " Diseases
Why did John de Sequeyra come to the
of Women," " Diseases of Children," " Diseases of
colonies in the first place? Most Jewish immi-
Both Sexes," and " Diseases of Virginia. "*
grants settled in the northern colonies, as they
In 1773, de Sequeyra became the first visiting
physician to the newly opened insane asylum in
were by and large businessmen. Virginia and the
Williamsburg —the Public Hospital —and received a salary of £150 per year. From 1774 until
that were not typically suited to this way of life,
his death in 1795, he was on the hospital' s board
oped in urban areas in the South, such as
Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah,
southern colonies had plantation economies
although significant Jewish communities devel-
of directors. Upon his death, Drs. John Minson
28
�Vol. 21, No, 2, Summer 2000
Georgia. Not until after the Revolution did Jews
develop communities in commercial areas of
Virginia, such as Norfolk and Richmond. It is
rooms and passages on the second floor as well
as a small yard and outbuildings. Because the
lease described his part of the house as " now in
worth noting that de Sequeyra is the only per-
the possession and occupation of the said John
son of Jewish descent known to have lived in
eighteenth- century Williamsburg.
Perhaps a sense of adventure led him to Vir-
de Sequeyra," he may have lived there for a pe-
ginia's capital city. Of course, skilled physicians
age of 83. He had lived and worked for fifty
were always a welcome addition to an eigh-
years in Williamsburg. His death notice, printed
teenth- century community. Whatever his rea-
sons for settling here, de Sequeyra seems to
in the Virginia Gazette and General Advertiser,
March 18, 1795, said that he " was reputed to be
have been accepted by society, and his religious
an eminent famous physician."
riod of time before 1772.
De Sequeyra died in February 1795 at the
background apparently was not an issue. He
paid his tithes and property taxes that sup-
The originals of the yearly " Notes on Diseases of Vir-
ported both the Anglican Church and the gov-
ginia" and the four other essays are in the Galt Papers,
ernment, avoiding any conflict. His private
Swem Library Special Collections, College of William and
Mary. The original of the " True State of the Small Pox
Febry. 22d. 1745/ 8" is at the Library of Congress. See also,
Dr. de Sequeyra's account of Virginia diseases, 1745- 1781"
thoughts about his religious heritage will likely
remain hidden.
Little is known of de Sequeyra' s private life,
in Harold B. Gill, Jr, The Apothecary in Colonial Virginia
though property and tax records indicate that
Williamsburg, Va., [ 1972]), 95 - 115 and Harold B. Gill, Jr.,
he owned two adult slaves, two horses, and a
De Sequeyra's ' Diseases of Virginia,'" Virginia Magazine of
four wheeled post chaise. There is no evidence
that he ever married. The location of his residence before June 18, 1772, is not known. On
that date he signed a seven -year lease with
History and Biography, 86 ( 1978): 295 - 298; Sarah C. McEntee, " John De Sequeyra's Notes on Diseases" ( M.A. thesis,
College of William and Mary, 1997); William Quentin
William Goodson, a prominent Williamsburg
the compiler of the smallpox list.); Cathy Hellier and Kevin
Maxwell, ed., " A true State of the small Pox," VMHB, 63
1955): 269 - 274 ( Maxwell did not identify de Sequeyra as
Kelly, " A Population Profile of Williamsburg in 1748"
merchant who owned the building that formerly
Williamsburg, Va., 1987), a research report based on the
housed James Shields' s tavern. Two other ten-
smallpox list and York County Project biographical files; and
Cathy Hellier " Williamsburg at Mid -century: A Population
ants occupied smaller portions of the house, but
de Sequeyra's quarters consisted of three rooms
Profile," The Interpreter ( September 1984): 1 - 2.
on the ground floor, part of the cellar, and
III
Thomas Craig's
Dr. John de Sequeyra's
John Draper, blacksmith,
tailor shop
residence, ca. 1772 - 1795
residence ( shop in rear)
The property where James Shields kept a tavern around 1750. In the 1770s, merchant William Goodson
owned this property and leased it to Craig, de Sequeyra, and Draper.
29
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
The Assessment Bill: Virginia's Attempt to Legislate Virtue
by Mark Couvillon
Mark is a historical interpreter in the Capitol Area.
In June 1779, Thomas Jefferson's bill "for es-
tablishing religious freedom" —bill number
eighty- two of the general revision of the laws ordered by the legislature in 1776 —was put before the House of Delegates meeting in
Williamsburg. In keeping with Jefferson's objective to bring the Virginia legal code in line with
republican principles, the bill declared " that no
man be compelled to frequent or support any
religious worship, place, or ministry ... but that
all men shall be free to profess, and by argument
to maintain, their opinions in matters of reli-
gion, and that the same shall in no wise dimin-
Part of "The humble address of a country poet"
to " the Honourable HOUSE of DELEGATES
ish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities."
for the commonwealth of VIRGINIA, now sit-
caster County feared the bill' s passage would
Reaction was swift. Petitioners from Lan-
ting at WILLIAMSBURG. The Virginia Gazette ( Dixon and Hunter), October 18, 1776, p. 2.
beget a " Licentious Freedom subversive of true
piety and civil Society." Essex County petitioners found the bill "harmful to Christianity" and
In 1776, the Virginia General Assembly met
promoted the idea of a general assessment as
for the first time under a new state constitution.
Under pressure from dissenting religious sects to
most agreeable." Articles in the Virginia
Gazette attacked the preamble of Jefferson's bill
make good on the " free exercise of religion"
on the grounds that it contained the " principles
clause in Virginia' s Declaration of Rights, the
of a Deist," which would " exalt individual freedom at the expense of the collective rights of
Assembly members passed an act in December
1776 suspending the requirement that dissenters pay taxes in support of the long- estab-
the majority." With public sentiment clearly
weighted against Jefferson's religious reforms,
the House tabled his bill, and it languished until
lished Church of England in Virginia.
after the Revolution.
This virtually put religion on a volunteer
basis. In fact, no Virginia law required dissenters
to fund ministers and meetinghouses, not even
their own. On the Anglican front, between
In October 1779, a bill that made clear the
limits of religious toleration came before the
1776 and 1779, legislators each year saw fit to
suspend the salaries of the established Anglican
had no interest in establishing a single state religion, they clearly supported Christianity, as
clergy, thereby temporarily relieving the Angli-
long as it followed certain key tenets. Based on
can laity of the legal requirement to pay clergymen a living. Moreover, Virginians could
part of the South Carolina constitution adopted
worship when and where they chose, although
viduals and groups who believed in one God,
the Assembly retained the right to license meet inghouses and dissenting preachers and, until
life after death, and the need for public worship
1780, did not recognize marriages as legal unless
nominations that met five conditions of faith
an Anglican clergyman officiated.
were eligible for equal civil and religious privi-
House of Delegates. While Virginia legislators
in 1778, this new bill specified that only indi-
would be " freely tolerated." Further, only de-
The 1776 statute also introduced the idea of
leges, including the right to incorporate. The
general assessment —taxing everyone for sup-
bill gave the government complete responsibil-
port of the church or minister of his choice
ity over the clergy and included an assessment
rather than taxing everyone for the support of
or tax on members and non members alike to
the one state church). Because of wartime con-
support these Christian denominations.
cerns, however, the issue of tax monies to be
This bill represented a significant retreat
from article sixteen of the Virginia Declaration
of Rights and generated such opposition that it
distributed among all Christian churches in the
state was not again raised by the legislature
barely squeaked through two readings before
until 1779.
30
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
of disestablishment —considered it " Ominous
upon our own wisdom or folly, Virtue or
Wickedness; judging the future from the past,
the prospect is not promising." Henry' s position
for our Virtue" that the idea of state -regulated
was echoed in the press. A 1783 article in the
religion, even including several denominations
Virginia Gazette emphasized the need for public
of Christians ( not just one), generated such
virtue to ensure the success of republicanism.
being shelved. Jefferson probably breathed a
sigh of relief, but Edmund Pendleton —no friend
Accounts from outsiders bore witness to the
heated debate.
The question of state support for the Christ-
low state of religion in Virginia. One traveler
ian religion arose again in 1783, when three
noted that "very little regard is paid by the peo-
county petitions asking for a general religious
ple in general to Sunday. Indeed, throughout
tax or assessment were placed before the House.
the lower part of Virginia, the people have
According to petitioners from Amherst County,
the worship of God had been replaced by " Vice
and Immorality, Lewdness & Profanity." They
urged the Assembly to solve the problem by
passing laws that would both punish vice and
promote Christianity. Although some members
scarcely any sense of religion, and in the county
parts the churches are all falling into decay."
sought to put off the issue to a more convenient
the clergy for the most part dead or driven away
time, Patrick Henry thought it of " too much
and their places unfilled."
moment" to be deferred to another session. He
During 1783 and 1784, more county petitions favoring an assessment were sent to the
General Assembly. Meanwhile, in a move regarded with alarm by some
Another visitor wrote in his journal, " One sees
not only a smaller number of houses of worship
in Virginia than in other provinces, but what
there are in a ruinous or ruined condition, and
persuaded the delegates to take up the question
of an assessment in the committee of the whole.
A devout Christian and
devotee of French political
philosopher
lawmakers, the Episcopal
Montesquieu,
clergy petitioned the As-
Henry believed that a repub-
sembly urging that the Epis-
lic could not exist without
copal Church in Virginia
virtue. This public virtue —
the
willingness
to
the post- Revolutionary incarnation of the Anglican
subordi-
nate one' s private interests
church)
for the sake of the whole
thus securing for the Episcopal Church title to the property and lands of the old
established Church of Eng-
community— rested
upon
the sum total of each man's
private virtues and his coop-
be incorporated,
eration in cultivating and
practicing them. Henry
land. With only one petition
feared that the rise of greed,
an assessment for religion,
corruption, and immorality,
brought on ( in his opinion)
Patrick Henry believed that
by the late war and the
were for, or at least indiffer-
weakened
link
from the Baptists opposing
the majority of Virginians
between
ent to, a tax to support the
church and state, would cause the new republic
several Christian denominations in Virginia. A
to die at birth. As early as 1780, Henry wrote to
Jefferson of his fear that the body politic in Vir-
firm believer in freedom of conscience, Henry
ginia was dangerously sick. " Tell me, do you remember any instance where tyranny was
privileged relationship with the state. Instead of
tearing down the Episcopal Church, he sought
destroyed and freedom established on its ruins,
to raise other denominations to its level by cre-
opposed the idea of any one church having a
among a people possessing so small a share of
ating a multiple establishment of several equal
virtue and public spirit? I recollect none."
Christian denominations.
Henry's concerns for the new republic were
shared by Virginia legislators and other influential figures, including George Mason, author of
mittee of the whole from the spring 1784 ses-
The assessment issue lingered in the com-
the Virginia Declaration of Rights and of the
sion. That fall, on November 11, Thomas
Mathews of Norfolk presented to the House of
state constitution adopted in June 1776.
Whether our Independence shall prove a
Delegates the following resolution: " that the
people of this Commonwealth, according to
blessing or a curse," Mason wrote to Henry
their respectful [ sic] abilities, ought to pay a
upon the conclusion of the war, " must depend
moderate tax or contribution, annually, for the
31
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
support of the Christian religion." With that,
wealthiest of their parishioners to task for un-
the battle over church and state finally began in
christian conduct —without fear of losing finan-
earnest after years of stopgap measures
and
cial support. Even church attendance, though
piecemeal legislation. "The Generals on the opposite sides, were Henry & Madison. The former," wrote Beverly Randolph, " advocated with
not legally required under such a scheme, might
his usual art, the establishment of the Christian
Religion in exclusion of all other Denomina-
institution for which they had paid.)
tions. By this I mean that Turks, Jews & Infidels
type of church tax as contrary to the Virginia
were to contribute to the support of a Religion
Declaration of Rights. It was not dictating one
mode of faith or public worship, but rather permitting taxpayers to support the ( Christian)
improve. ( Some theorized that people would
make the effort to derive some benefit from an
Neither did supporters of assessment see this
whose truth they did not acknowledge."
According to the notes of James Madison,
Henry advanced as his chief argument the relation of religion to the prosperity of the state,
church of their choice. As for non Christians,
their views would be tolerated under this plan,
dwelling upon the evil fate of nations that had
but not supported by tax monies. They would
neglected religion and inferring the necessity of
a religious establishment, however broad. As
precedents for a general assessment, Henry
still have to pay the religion tax, however,
which would go to support Christian churches.
Supporters of this position saw Christianity as
the principal promoter of good will, honesty,
and virtue among citizens. In other words it was
cited its use in other American states such as
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and South
Carolina.* Madison replied that the question
dedicated to the common good from which
was not whether religion was necessary for a
everyone, Christian and non Christian alike,
stable government, but, rather, whether reli-
would benefit. After all, the "Free exercise of re-
gious establishments were necessary for religion.
ligion" clause in the Declaration of Rights ends
He went on to show that the downfall of na-
with the words " it is the mutual duty of all to
tions mentioned by Henry took place where
practice Christian forbearance."
Confident that such a bill would pass, Henry
there were religious establishments.
tions, Mathews' s resolution
again accepted the call to be
govemor of the Common-
for
Despite Madison's exerassessment
wealth and left the Assembly
passed by fifteen votes, and a
committee, chaired by Patrick
Henry,was appointed to draft
the bill. Besides a majority of
a
general
on November 17, 1784.
Madison, who was instru-
the House, assessment had
described his election as " a
the backing of some of the
circumstance very inauspi-
most respected and influen-
cious to his offspring [ the as-
tial men in the state, includ-
sessment
ing George Washington, John
Marshall, and Richard Henry
December 2, Francis Corbin
Lee. Lee wrote to Madison:
lishing a Provision for Teach-
Refiners may weave reason
ers of the Christian Religion"
to the House of Delegates.
The bill passed its first two
mental in securing Henry's
gubernatorial
nomination,
bill]."
On
presented the bill for " Estab-
into as fine a web as they
please, but the experience of
all time shows religion to be
the best guardian of morals;
readings and was referred to
James Madison
the
committee
of
the
whole. Unlike the 1779 bill,
and he must be a very inat-
this one did not mention the establishment of
tentive observer in our country who does not see
that avarice is accomplishing the destruction of
Christianity ( although Madison believed it was
implied), neither did it set any doctrinal articles
or forms of worship. Its brief preamble stated
religion for want of legal obligation to contribute
something to its support."
Supporters of a general religious tax or assessment believed that it would promote virtue
that " a general diffusion of Christian knowledge
by creating an educated and stable ministry
men, restrain their vices, and preserve the peace
whose livelihood would not depend upon vol-
of society."
untary contributions. As a consequence, clergymen might be more likely to take even the
among the populace, the bill placed a moderate
hath a natural tendency to correct the morals of
In order to diffuse " Christian knowledge"
32
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
tax on heads of households. This assessment
and turned over to the elders, vestry, or direc-
Country to defeat the Genl. Assessment," wrote
Madison, " had produced all the effect that
could have been wished." With opposition now
tors of the religious society designated by the
coalescing against general assessment and the
was to be collected by the sheriff of each county
taxpayer for support of the minister and other
father of the scheme" ( Henry) gone from the
church expenses. Quakers and Mennonites
Assembly, Madison introduced Jefferson's bill
would be allowed to direct their tax money to a
general fund, since they had no formal clergy.
for establishing religious freedom during the
next session. The legislature passed An Act for
establishing religious freedom in October 1785.
The now- famous Virginia Statute for Religious
Freedom, as it came to be known, took effect in
January 1786.
Despite their opposition to the assessment
Taxpayers who did not designate a particular
sect would pay the tax into the public treasury
for building schools ( " seminaries of learning ")
within their neighborhoods.
Debate on the bill was postponed for almost
three weeks while the House discussed a bill to
incorporate the Episcopal Church. On Decem-
bill and any other form of religious establish-
ber 22, the assessment bill was brought up
son and Jefferson believed public virtue to be no
less vital to the welfare of America than did
Patrick Henry. They just differed on how to best
achieve it. Henry felt that some kind of religious
ment or church/state connection, both Madi-
again. A motion made on the floor of the House
attempted to liberalize the bill by dropping the
word Christian so as to include all religions.
Benjamin Harrison, who had just stepped down
establishment could best check the moral de-
as governor, made a plea with "pathetic zeal" in
cline he observed in postwar Virginia. Madison
favor of keeping the word Christian, effectively
and Jefferson saw it differently. People had a
excluding all non- Christian groups. The other
natural tendency toward religious belief that
delegates agreed with Harrison. By a margin of
was only hindered by forced conformity. Madison blamed the problems in Virginia society fol-
44 to 42 the bill was ordered to be engrossed. A
day later, on Christmas Eve, a vote to postpone
lowing the Revolution on the dislocations of
the final reading until the fall of 1785— nearly a
war, outdated laws, and poor administration of
year later —was passed 45 to 38. It was also
justice during the long conflict. With a revised
legal code and government encouragement and
agreed that copies of the bill be sent to all the
counties in order to ascertain public opinion.
support for education, Madison and Jefferson
Madison and his supporters took this time to
judged the people themselves to be the best in-
wage a campaign against general assessment.
strument for promoting public and private
Madison composed his " Memorial and Remonstrance," a brilliant synthesis both of religious
virtue.
and rationalist arguments against a church -
Sources/Further Reading:
state connection. It was widely distributed
throughout Virginia and to the newspapers.
Buckley, Thomas E. Church and State in Revolutionary Vir-
The document warned against the " dangerous
ginia, 1776 - 1781 Charlottesville, Va.: University Press
abuse of power" should the bill pass into law.
of Virginia, 1977.
Neither society nor the legislature properly had
Eckenrode, H. J. Separation of Church and State in Virginia: A
Study in the Development of the Revolution. Richmond,
Va.: Superintendent of Public Printing, 1910.
jurisdiction over religion. If the legislature could
act in the present case, a dangerous precedent
Holmes, David L. A Brief History of the Episcopal Church.
would be set. If the state could establish the
Valley Forge, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1993.
Christian religion today, what could stop it
reestablishing this or that particular variety of
Massachusetts had a fully established Congregational
Church until adoption of its 1780 constitution. Until full
Christianity tomorrow?
The evangelical churches rallied to Madison's standard, pelting the Assembly with petitions calling for complete separation of church
and state. " The steps taken throughout the
disestablishment occurred in 1833, a Local variety of general
assessment was in place. The Congregational Church was
also the state church in colonial New Hampshire. South
Carolina' s state church was the Church of England until the
new state constitution took effect in 1778.
33
�The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
The John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Library has re-
ing of original communications, specifications of
patent inventions, and selections of useful prac-
cently acquired the following rare books and
manuscripts in its Special Collections section:
tical papers from the transactions of the philosophical societies of all nations. Vols. 1 - 13.
Acts passed] At a General Assembly, begun and
London, 1794 - 1800.
held at the capitol, in the city of Williamsburg,
Sheraton, Thomas. Cabinet -Maker and Uphol-
on Monday the fifth day of May, in the year of
sterer' s Drawing Book. London: T. Bensley,
our Lord one thousand seven hundred and sev-
1793.
enty- seven. Williamsburg, Va.: Alexander
Land grant: April 13, 1783, Patrick Henry to
Purdie, 1777.
Jacob Vanmeter for land in Jefferson Co.,
Acts passed at a General Assembly, begun and held
Virginia.
at the Capitol, in the City of Williamsburg, an
18th- and 19th -century bookplates: Thomas
Monday the fourth day of October, in the year
Calvert, Charles Carroll, Richard Cham-
of Our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and
seventy -nine. Williamsburg, Va.: John Dixon
pion, Thomas Heyward, William Kingman,
John Marshall, New York Society, Society for
-
Thomas Nicolson, 1779.
Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts,
Isaiah Thomas, Ralph Wormeley.
Ferchault de Reaumur, Rene Antoine. I2art de
Convertir le Fer Forge en Acier, et l' Art
d' adoucir le fer fondu....
William Graves Perry library: sizable collection
on architectural, landscape, literary and his-
Paris: M. Brunet,
1722.
torical topics.
Hepplewhite, A., and Co. Cabinet -Maker and
Dell Upton collection: architectural research
Upholsterer's Guide; or, Repository of Designs
on Virginia and the Chesapeake region.
for Every Article of Household Furniture...
London: I. & J. Taylor, 1789.
Compiled by George H. Yetter, associate curator for
the architectural drawings and research collection
The Repertory of Arts and Manufactures; consist-
The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter is a quarterly publication of the Education Division.
Editor:
Nancy Milton
Copy Editor:
Mary Ann Williamson
Assistant Editor:
Linda Rowe
Editorial Board:
Cary Carson
Ronald Hurst
Emma L. Powers
Bob Doares
Ron Warren
Jan Gilliam
Katie Wrike
John Caramia
Production:
Laura Arnold
Bertie Byrd
Planning Board:
John Turner
The Print Production Services Department
34
�Vol. 21, No. 2, Summer 2000
FD ][ OR'S
NOTES . .
Interpreters, take note of this
new early American history
As you may know, John Hemphill
passed away on April 3, 2000.
John, in addition to being a former
employee in Colonial Williamsburg' s
resource.
Department of Historical Research,
COMMONPLACE
taught history at several colleges and
universities
and
wrote
a
number
of
The Interactive Journal of Early American Life
books and articles on Virginia and
A common place, an uncommon voice.
Maryland history.
Bringing together scholars, activists, journalists. filmmakers,
teachers. and history buffs to discuss everything from politics
He was a friend and mentor to
to parlor manners.
many, both here at the Foundation
and around Virginia. A memorial fund
FEATURES: investigative reporting. primary research. and essays
on methodological dilemmas and disciplinary divides
has been set up to purchase a rare
REVIEWS: thoughtful critiques of scholarship. fiction. film and
book or manuscript for the Special
more
Collections section of the John D.
OBJECT LESSONS: meditations on artifacts and exhibits
Rockefeller, Jr. Library at Colonial
Williamsburg. Gail Greve, special col-
TALES FROM THE VAULT: behind- the - scenes reports from
lections librarian /associate curator of
and delights of teaching early America
the archives
THE COMMON SCHOOL: stories about the difficulties
ASK THE AUTHOR: provocative interviews with prominent
rare books and manuscripts, will be
authors
accepting checks for the fund until
THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS: ongoing online conversation
the end of October 2000, at which
Read Talk back. Submit
time an item will be chosen for pur-
www.common place.ory
chase.
If you are interested in contribut-
ing, please send a check made out to
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation"
along with a note indicating that the
money
should
go
to
the
John
Hemphill Memorial Fund. Please forward your contribution to:
Gail Greve
John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Library
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Post Office Box 1776
Williamsburg, VA 23187 -1776
John will be missed. This is an opportunity to remember him in a way
that would have pleased him immensely.
35
��
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter
Description
An account of the resource
<p><em>The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter</em> was a newsletter published July 1980-September 2009 by the education and research departments of Colonial Williamsburg and authored mainly by staff researchers and interpreters. Its purpose was to disseminate information germane to the current interpretive focus of the Historic Area uniformly across the various departments involved with historical interpretation. Some of the articles sprang from the need to impart new research or interpretive information to staff while others were inspired by employee questions or suggestions. In the earlier issues, standard sections include “The King’s English” which explained various words or terminology encountered in 18th century life, “Occurrences” which noted different programs and events of interest to employees and visitors, and “The Exchange” which was a guest column that offered the perspective and knowledge of non-research department employees on various subjects. Later issues had regular columns about historical subjects, archaeology, gardening, new books at the Foundation library, “Cook’s Corner” about foodways, “Interpreter’s Corner” concerning issues of interpretation, and a Q & A section. The number of issues published per year varied as did the length of the newsletter.</p>
<p>Several supplemental publications sprang from the Interpreter including <em>Fresh Advices, Questions & Answers</em>, and A<em> Cultural Time Line & Glossary for Williamsburg in the Eighteenth Century</em>. Fresh Advices offered discussions of recent research conducted by the Foundation and opportunities for applying it in the Historic Area. It was published infrequently from 1981-1987. <em>Questions & Answers</em> began and ended as a column in the <em>Interpreter</em>, but also existed as a supplemental publication from 1980-1989. It functioned as a means to answer common interpreter questions to the research department about eighteenth-century history and culture, Williamsburg area history, and Colonial Williamsburg itself. The one-time 1990 publication <em>A Cultural Time Line & Glossary for Williamsburg in the Eighteenth Century</em> consisted of a oversize poster-sized timeline and a glossary booklet. The time line included notable events in the Age of Enlightenment in the categories of politics, philosophy and religion, education, science and technology, fine arts and architecture, and performing arts and literature. The glossary was an expansion on selected entries from the time line to give more information on people and events that directly or indirectly influenced the development of colonial Virginia society.</p>
<p>An index to the <em>Interpreter</em> and its supplemental publications may be found here: <a href="http://research.colonialwilliamsburg.org/library/_files/Interpreter.pdf">Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter Index, 1980-2009</a>.</p>
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter, volume 21, number 2, Summer 2000
Description
An account of the resource
Questions & Answers: Taking Possession -- Feeding the Eighteenth - Century Town Folk, or, Whence the Beef? -- Cook’s Corner: The Backcountry Housewife -- Excerpt: Nicholas Cresswell Journal, 1774 -1777 -- Dr. John de Sequeyra: A Biographical Sketch -- The Assessment Bill: Virginia's Attempt to Legislate Virtue -- Bruton Heights Update: New at the Rock -- Editor’s Notes