1
25
10
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/dd66c855d51dc918b37c5652669671d8.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=IAZhkIPdmxTRCZJA-%7EMrBYS-BoO%7Eos6lu0Bi29Ln8%7EvNgbfVJ2s8YN3wojTTMOMdgx%7ERm6tjoFKDBy%7E2fhM-GJzA3RdPUnBnZnWW42oZmCp4kx4KIb2vB9xQCswUWjUqio6UQ50aIcRwIirBxMtO1dQdVhuDwoRsgaVfCHn7VkFMZJs0ItqI7NETKZ8fE92JFHDKFvTQqxewfg0YYPgC6d9v7vyIgd8Q4QGBaKGsCzPF8J6O%7E6xSjvvZ0aIDjkr-sc--Ct4%7Ezf5FD2ryh939O4nqKmgausEAqfnNSEvs5pMQwuSfPx2JY1mHq432HmfahLje2kGQlF%7EdQtcciL9DrQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
04e2f04cb115734629d6541ef7d70119
PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
August
19, 1999
The tenth issue of" The Network" contains information about the age at which males and
females reached their majority, a note on the April 1999 issue of the William and Mary
Quarterly, a bibliography on the abolition of slavery in England, and additional
information on the slaves and free blacks who worked in the shops operated by
Williamsburg' s cabinetmakers.
Coming of Age in Colonial Virginia"
Linda Rowe provides information about when males and females reached their majority
in eighteenth- century Virginia.
Documents from the colonial period contain a number of terms that described an
individual'
s
legal
status
by
Underage, minor( or minority), and infant( or infancy) in
age.
England and Virginia described free persons who were under the age of twenty- one.
Conversely, ofage, offull age, and majority( or occasionally major) referred to free
persons who had reached their twenty- first birthday and thus had come out of minority.
Legally, ages of slaves of both sexes were important only for tax purposes: at sixteen
years old the law required that they be added to their owners' list of tithables.
Consequently, the following discussion applies only to the free population of Virginia.
At first glance then, the interesting and important question of when free women in
eighteenth- century Virginia came of age has a straightforward answer. In both England
and Virginia during the colonial period all persons whether male or female were regarded
as underage, or legal infants, until they reached twenty- one years of age. To quote
William Blackstone' s Commentaries on the Laws of England, " the power of a father, I
say
over
the persons
of his
children
ceases at the age
of twenty-
one."
Two handbooks
published locally for Virginia justices of the peace confirm this rule for the colony.
George Webb' s The Office and Authority of a Justice ofPeace published in Williamsburg
in 1736 notes the following, " At Common Law, every Person under the Age of One
and Twenty Years is an Infant." Richard Starke' s work under the same title published
in
Williamsburg
in 1774
contains
a similar
statement, " BY an Infant, or Minor, is
meant any One who is under the Age of twenty one Years."
Feeling
what
a
they
bit giddy? Come
seem.
very clearly
adulthood.
on
A multiplicity
back down
of
to
earth!
circumstances—
Straightforward answers are rarely
sometimes expressed in law, often not
served to blur the line between minority and legal
Following directly on the statement quoted above, Blackstone added:
or
consistently—
�2
or that point which the law has established( as some must necessarily be
established) when the empire of the father, or other guardian, gives place
to the empire of reason.
Thus, while Virginia law limited minors' rights and enacted measures for their protection
especially orphans), it also permitted persons much younger than twenty- one to make
certain decisions for themselves. At ten years old they could bind themselves apprentices
by their own consent and agreement, at fourteen choose a guardian, and at seventeen have
the" produce of their owne labours" if orphaned and not bound apprentices. Moreover,
marriage and inheritance laws, common practice and criminal law must be taken into
account.
The Virginia code required consent of parents or guardian when either party to a marriage
shall be
the age
under
of
one
and
twenty
years."
It is true that marriage laws singled
girls out for particular attention under certain circumstances: they could marry legally as
young as twelve with permission. It is worth noting, however, that protection of family
lands and property was at least one objective of this legislation( acts" for the prevention
of
clandestine
Marriages").
If" a Feme of Twelve, and under Sixteen Years of Age"
married without consent, she lost her estate which then descended to the next heir at law,
at
least for
the
duration of
that
marriage. (
NOTE:
These laws do not constitute evidence
that girls in the eighteenth- century usually or often married at twelve.)
Virginia lawmakers often held fast to legal majority at twenty-one, but they also invested
minors in their late teens with certain important" adult" prerogatives. In practical terms
these laws applied to boys and unmarried girls (see discussion below regarding
femes covert). A 1727 Virginia law clarifying distribution of estates expanded minors'
legal capabilities by granting them a measure of control over their estates:
any infant, above the age of eighteen years, by his or her last will and
testament in writing, may dispose and bequeath the absolute right,
property, and interest, of any slave or slaves where of he or she shall be
possessed.
The act did not specifically mention land or personal property, but Starke noted that
though the common law had not established precisely at what age an individual could
will personal estate, it was generally allowed at eighteen years. Consequently it is not too
unusual to see testators specify that bequests be delivered to their daughters or
granddaughters at marriage or age eighteen( or some other late teen year), whichever
came first. Stark also stated that at seventeen an infant( minor) could legally take
administration or prove a will.
It is also true that people in every day life often equated marriage during minority with
passing a twenty-first birthday. In York County wills of the 1760s and ` 70s, marriage
was an important benchmark but the alternative was usually " reaches her majority" or
comes
of
age."
Lawson Burfoot of Bruton Parish in 1765 stated
that
his
children'
s
�3
not to be divided until his daughter Sarah"
of
Many
like Frederick Bryan stipulated age twenty- one unless marriage came first: His daughter
slaves
were
Frances Bryan inherited "£
arrival
to the age
comes
age
or marries."
500 current money to be paid her at day of her marriage or
James Crandall left his daughter Elizabeth£
of 21 years."
50, half when
she turned 21, the other half at her mother' s death. After the testator' s death a legacy
passed directly to the feme sole( single woman) at the appointed age where it remained
under her control until she married. Unencumbered land or personal property of a feme
covert ( married woman) became as much her husband' s as her own, because she had no
legal identity separate from his. Without her husband' s consent or participation, a wife
could not give or deed away unencumbered land and personal property she brought to the
marriage. (
Though infrequently employed in Virginia, a premarital agreement was one
way to
keep
a woman'
s
property
in her
own
hands
during
her
Widowhood
marriage.)
returned a woman to feme sole status; with it returned her ability to convey property,
make a valid contract, sue or be sued, execute a deed, or make a will.
Testators usually specified age twenty- one or majority for their male legatees, too. John
Wynne left his grandson Thomas Wynne 150 acres of land when he " shall arrive at the
age
Likewise William Nelson' s will stated that should either of his sons
of 21 years."
Nathaniel or William die" before he comes of age" the survivor was to have his share.
There is the occasional reference to boys in their late teens acting as agents for other
people. In 1777 Messrs. Pasteur and Galt, apothecaries in Williamsburg, authorized their
apprentice, eighteen year-old William Pelham, to" settle and collect their Partnership, and
private
and
accounts"
to
discharge any debts of
their
own. (
Remember, though, legally
Pelham would not be eligible to serve in public office until he turned twenty- one.)
It is worth noting that Virginia law did not exempt legal infants from culpability in
criminal matters. Webb minced no words when he said that anyone under twenty- one
was an infant" but this holds only in Civil Causes, for in Criminal Matters the Law
regards
the Age
of Discretion,
which is 14 Years."
There are numerous
exceptions
to
even that rule, however. ( See Cathy Hellier' s article from the November 1990 issue of the
Interpreter.)
Finally, I can find nothing to substantiate the claim that free unmarried women in colonial
Virginia legally reached their majority at eighteen and men at twenty- one. If there were
exceptions to the"
rule
of twenty-
The April 1999 issue of
and American Atlantic
the
one,"
William
Worlds."
they applied to both sexes alike.
and
Mary Quarterly
is
a
special issue
on"
African
In his introduction to this issue, Phil Morgan notes " The
combined effect of these articles is to suggest plurality; hence, the title. The essays
demonstrate, above all, variation; they present slices, segments of the Atlantic world; they
concern overlapping worlds in motion. No one slavery, no unitary slave trade, no single
black
experience
existed."
1
�4
Bibliography for " Am I Not a Man and a Brother: Abolition and Antislavery in the
Early Chesapeake"
Martha Katz- Hyman provides a list of books that she consulted during her research for
her exhibit on abolition and antislavery in the early Chesapeake at the DeWitt Wallace
Gallery. Several of the books focus on the institution of slavery in England.
The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition 1760- 1810. Atlantic
Roger.
Anstey,
Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1975.
Barbour,
Hugh, and J. William
Frost.
The Quakers.
Westport, CT: Greenwood Press,
1988.
Craton, Michael, James Walvin, and David Wright, eds. Slavery, Abolition, and
Black Slaves and the British Empire. London: Longman, 1976.
Emancipation,:
Dabydeen, David.
Hogarth'
Art. Denmark :
Davis, David Brion.
s
Images ofBlacks in Eighteenth Century English
Blacks:
Mundelstrup ;
Kingston- upon- Thames: Dangaroo Press, 1985.
The Problem ofSlavery in the Age ofRevolution 1770- 1823. Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1975.
The Problem ofSlavery in Western Culture. Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
1966.
Fladeland, Betty L. Men and Brothers: Anglo- American Antislavery Cooperation.
Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972.
Hirschfeld, Fritz. George Washington and Slavery: A Documentary Portrayal.
Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1997.
Hoffer, Peter Charles, ed. Africans Become Afro- Americans:
Slavery
Hogg,
in the American
Peter C.
Colonies.
New York:
Selected Articles on
Garland
Publishing,
Inc.:
1988.
The African Slave Trade and its Suppression: A Classified and
Annotated Bibliography ofBooks, Pamphlets and Periodical Articles. London:
Frank Cass, 1973.
Jennings, Judith.
Cass,
The Business
of Abolishing
the
British Slave Trade.
London:
Frank
1997.
Locke, Mary Stoughton. Anti-Slavery in America from the Introduction ofAfrican Slaves
to the Prohibition
1965.
of the
Slave Trade ( 1619- 1808).
Gloucester,
MA:
Peter Smith,
�5
Mathews, Donald G. Slavery and Methodism: A Chapter in American Morality 17801845.
Westport, CT:
Greenwood Press, 1965.
McColley, Robert. Slavery and Jeffersonian Virginia. 2nd ed. Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1973.
Midgley,
Clare.
Women Against
The British Campaigns 1780- 1870. London:
Slavery:
Routledge, 1992.
Oldfield, John R. Popular Politics and British Anti-
Slavery: The mobilisation ofpublic
opinion against the slave trade 1787- 1807. Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1995.
Perry, Lewis, and Michael Fellman. Antislavery Reconsidered:
Abolitionists.
Porter, Dale H.
Baton Rouge:
New Perspectives on the
Louisiana State University Press, 1979.
The Abolition ofthe Slave Trade in England, 1784- 1807. Hamden, CT:
Archon Press, 1970.
Sobel, Mechal.
Travelin'
On:
The Slave Journey to an Afro- Baptist Faith. Westport,
CT: Greenwood Press, 1979.
Soderlund, Jean. R.
Quakers & Slavery:
University Press, 1985.
Sypher, Wylie.
Guinea'
Century.
David.
Turley,
s
Captive Kings:
Chapel Hill:
The Culture
A Divided Spirit.
Princeton:
Princeton
British Anti- slavery Literature of the XVlllth
The University of North Carolina Press, 1942.
of English Antislavery,
1780- 1860.
London;
Routledge,
1991.
Walvin, James.
England, Slaves and Freedom, 1776- 1838.
Basingstoke:
Macmillan,
1986.
ed. Slavery and British Society 1776- 1846. London: Macmillan, 1982.
Worrall,
Jay,
Jr.
Iberian
Yellin,
The Friendly Virginians: America' s First Quakers. Athens, GA:
Publishing Co., 1994.
Jean Fagan, and John C. Van Horne,
Political Culture in Antebellum
eds.
America.
The Abolitionist
Ithaca :
Cornell
Sisterhood:
University
Women' s
Press,
1994.
�6
The Cabinetmaker
Peter Scott, Anthony Hay, Edmund Dickenson, James Honey, and Yorktown' s James
Tyrie depended upon skilled slaves and a free man of color in their cabinetmaking
businesses. It is possible that enslaved men owned and rented by Richard Booker and
Benjamin Bucktrout and the slave hired by John Crump also helped to produce furniture
in Williamsburg.
Peter Scott
Peter Scott was in Williamsburg by 1722 and he established his cabinetmaking business
on the south side of Duke of Gloucester Street( across from Bruton Parish Church) by
1733. Scott placed the following advertisement in the Virginia Gazette on September 12,
1755:
Before Mr. Finnie' s Door, on the 23d Day of October next, Two Lots of Ground,
situate on the Back Street, near Col. Custis' s in Williamsburg; on which there is a
good Dwelling House, containing Six Rooms and Closets, a good dry Cellar, with
all convenient Out- Houses, and a good Well: Twelve Months Credit will be
allowed the Purchaser giving Bond and Security. At the same Time and Place
will be sold, for Bills of Exchange or ready Money, Two Negroes, bred to the
Business of a Cabinet- maker; likewise will be sold, at the Subscriber' s Shop near
the Church, sundry Pieces of Cabinet Work, of Mahogony and Walnut, consisting
of Desks, Book- Cases, Tables of various Sorts, Tools, and some Materials.
Six
Months Credit will be given to those that purchase above the Value of Fifty
Shillings, on their giving Bond and Security; and Five per Cent. will be allowed
for ready Money.
And as I intend to go for Great- Britain the latter End of next Month,
therefore I desire all Persons indebted to me, to make speedy Payment, otherwise
they may expect Trouble without further Notice.'
Scott stayed in Williamsburg and continued his cabinetmaking business. It is possible
that he decided to keep the enslaved cabinetmakers to work in his shop. On November 2,
Jefferson noted that he" Pd. Peter Scott in full £ 16" and" Gave negro man
1772, Thomas
at Peter Scott'
Virginia
s
Gazette,
2/."
2
12 September
1755.
James A. Bear, Jr., and Lucia C. Stanton, eds., Jefferson' s Memorandum Books:
Accounts, with Legal
and Miscellany,
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), I: 296, 297; see
also Wallace B. Gusler, Furniture of Williamsburg and Eastern Virginia 1740- 1790,( 1979; reprint,
Records
1767- 1826, 2 vols.,(
Williamsburg: Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 1993), p. 26; and Ronald L. Hurst and Jonathan Prown,
Southern Furniture 1680- 1830: The Colonial Williamsburg Collection,( Williamsburg:
Colonial
Williamsburg Foundation in association with Harry N. Abrams, Inc. Publishers, 1997), pp. 370, 373n, 452,
457n.
�7
Scott died in December 1775. The cabinetmaker lived on the James City County side of
Williamsburg and it is likely that his will and inventory were recorded in that county.
Alexander Craig and Robert Nicholson, the executors of Scott' s estate placed information
about the sale of his personal property in the January 5, 1776 issue of Purdie' s Virginia
Gazette. They announced:
To be SOLD before Robert Nicolson' s store, on Tuesday the 10th instant,
A GREAT variety of cabinet- makers tools, mohogany, walnut, and pine plank,
likewise new walnut book cases, desks, tables, & c. belonging to the estate of mr.
Peter Scott, deceased.
Six months credit will be allowed for all sums above 5 1.
the purchasers giving bond with good security.'
The fact that Craig and Nicholson did not include an enslaved cabinetmaker in the list of
Scott' s estate suggests that this cabinetmaker hired the slave whom Jefferson tipped in
1772, sold this slave before he died, or bequeathed the enslaved man in his will.
Anthony Hay
Anthony Hay worked as a cabinetmaker when he first arrived in Williamsburg. In
November 1751 he placed an advertisement in the Virginia Gazette for a journeyman and
a servant. Evidence indicates that Hay gained the services of two workers who saw his
announcement. On the last day of 1751 the cabinetmaker purchased a pair of indentures
at William Hunter' s printing office. In May of the following year Hay paid Hunter for
another pair of indentures. It is possible that Hay used these indentures to secure the
services
of
a white
apprentice
or
to purchase
an
enslaved laborer.'
Hay and Christopher
Ford Junior sold carpenter' s, joiner' s, and cabinetmakers tools in 1755. A carver named
James Wilson also worked in Hay' s shop in 1755.
The cabinetmaker' s household included journeymen and slaves. Hay' s son, Thomas,
inherited a slave woman named Elizabeth from his grandfather, Thomas Penman, in
September 1759. A child named Jeremiah was baptized on January 7, 1759 and another
child, Tom,
was
baptized
on
June 7, 1761.
The baptism of Ben, the son of his slave
woman Peg, was recorded in 1762. Hay sent Rippon, age three, to the Bray School in
September of 1762. In September 1764 Hay had a slave named Wiltshire pick up a
spelling
book
at the
printing
office.'
Two
more
slave
children—
Richard, the son of
3 Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 5 January 1776.
Virginia Gazette Journals, 1750- 1752( William Hunter), Alderman Library, University of Virginia;
Rockefeller Library Microfilm No. M- 1 136, 7 November 1751, 31 December 1751, and 30 May 1752. See
also Gusler, Furniture of Williamsburg, p. 61.
5
Wiltshire
also
ran
errands
to the
Printing
Office
on
June
13,
1765 and September
13,
1765.
�8
Peg' s daughter Lucy— were baptized in April and June of 1765, respectively.
Jenny, another one of Peg' s daughters, attended the Bray School in November of 1765.
Nanny,
and
Hay decided to give up his cabinetmaking business in 1767. He purchased the Raleigh
Tavern and the twenty- acre parcel of land adjoining Williamsburg from William Trebell
on January 1, 1767. A week later he announced these changes in the Virginia Gazette.
Hay informed " The Gentlemen who have bespoke work of the subscriber may depend
upon having it made in the best manner by Mr. Benjamin Bucktrout, to whom he has
given up his business." 6 Benjamin Bucktrout' s announcement in the Virginia Gazette
noted that Hay had moved to the Raleigh Tavern. It is possible that Hay rented his shop
and his skilled
Anthony Hay
slave
man,
Wiltshire,
to Bucktrout.
died between November
7
19, 1770 and December
17,
1770.
Hay left his
whole estate ( after the payment of his debts) to his widow, Elizabeth, for her support and
for the maintenance and education of his children.
After her death, all of his children
except Thomas who had been provided for by his grandfather) were to share the estate.
The February 2, 1771 inventory of Hay' s estate listed twenty slaves and their appraised
values:
Lucy £ 25
Peggy and
her
children
Ben,
Lucy, Jimmy,
and
Jenny £
125
Caesar£ 45
Gaby £
60
Rachel £ 30
Rippon £ 60
Jerry £
50
Wiltshire £ 65
Sarah and her child Mary £ 70
Will £ 60
Tom £ 50
Kate £ 50
Betty £ 50
Nancy and her child Edmund£ 60
On January 17, 1771, William Trebell and Robert Nicholson, the executors of Hay' s
estate, announced two sales of his real and personal property. The first was to be on
March 6, 1771 and included
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., January 8, 1767.
There is no clear statement that Wiltshire was the" very good Cabinet Maker" whom Hay owned.
However, Wiltshire was the highest valued slave in the inventory of Hay' s estate and it is unlikely that
Will, valued at£ 60,
James Southall would have purchased a cabinetmaker at the sale of Hay' s estate.
probably
the"
good
Coachman
and Carter."
was
�9
THAT noted and well accustomed Tavern in Williamsburg, called the RALEIGH,
which has every Convenience to it, and an exceeding fine stable and Pasture
adjoining. At the same Time will be sold the Stock of LIQUORS, a great
Quantity of HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE, some CHAIRS and
HARNESS, CARTS and HORSES, CATTLE, SHEEP, &
c.
Also a very good
DWELLINGHOUSE on the back street, where Mr. Hay formerly lived, with large
Cabinet Maker' s Shop and Timber yard, and all nescessary Out houses for a
Family.
The second sale was to be on May 7, 1771 before the door of the Raleigh. People would
have the opportunity to buy " nineteen NEGROES belonging to the said Estate among
them a very good Cabinet Maker, a good Coachman and Carter, some fine Waiting Boys,
good Cooks, Washers, & c." 8
Elizabeth
Hay
renounced
the will of her deceased
husband
on
March 20, 1771.
She
bought Lots 263 and 264 at the March 6, 1771 sale and received a deed for this property
January 18, 1772. The
9
Mary— on May 7, 1771.
on
widow
Hay
also
James Southall
bought two
slaves—
Sarah and her daughter
paid£ 101 for a negro fellow named Will whom
on November 6, 1771. 10 It is likely that
purchased at the sale of Anthony Hay'
Edmund Dickenson gained possession of Wiltshire, the cabinetmaker. However, it is not
clear if Dickenson rented him from Hay' s estate or purchased him."
he
s estate
Benjamin
Bucktrout
Benjamin Bucktrout took over Anthony Hay' s cabinetmaking business on January 1,
1767. It is possible that Hay hired Wiltshire to Bucktrout and that Edmund Dickenson
also worked for the new master of the Hay Shop. Bucktrout operated his business at
Hay' s Shop until January 1771 when he relocated to the Chiswell- Bucktrout House on
Francis Street. Bucktrout advertised for journeymen cabinetmakers in September 1769
8 Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., January 17, 1771. William Marshman' s accounts indicate that
Anthony Hay had a" Black Waiting Man"( 28 December 1769). It is probable that Will was the man who
drove the cart that Marshman hired on February 1769.
9 Elizabeth Hay paid the assessment on Sarah and Mary( both over sixteen years old) in 1784 and 1786.
The widow Hay' s household also included Judith( under sixteen years old in 1786), Nelly( under sixteen in
1784 and over sixteen in 1786), and Sall( under sixteen in 1784 and 1786).
10 Southall Receipt Book; see also note 7 above.
Alexander
was£
Craig,
James Southall, and Blovet
Pasteur
noted that
Hay'
s slaves
sold for£
1007, a sum that
207 higher than the appraised value of the enslaved individuals. Unfortunately, they did not list the
names of the people who purchased these slaves. York County Wills and Inventories( 22) 168- 172, dated
16 April
1773 and recorded
17
May
1773.
�10
and for apprentices in February 1775. This cabinetmaker decided to sell a slave woman
whom he described as " an exceeding good washer and ironer" in August of 1779. 12
Edmund Dickenson
It is likely that Edmund Dickenson gained possession of Hay' s enslaved man Wiltshire—
a very good Cabinet Maker"— after the death of the keeper of the Raleigh Tavern in late
1770. Unfortunately, extant documents do not indicate if Dickenson purchased or hired
Wiltshire.
However, it is known that Dickenson opened his business in the shop formerly
occupied by Hay in January 1771.
Wiltshire worked in Dickenson' s shop with James Tyrie, his owner' s apprentice. Tyrie
learned the skills of a cabinetmaker from Dickenson between August 1772 and August
1777. It is likely that Dickenson employed several journeymen in his shop. Dickenson
advertised for
journeymen
cabinetmakers
in November 1771 and September of 1773.
In
July 1774 George Hamilton, a carver and gilder from Britain, worked out of Dickenson' s
shop. There were seven workers in the cabinetmaker' s shop in 1775, the year he failed to
turn in a list of his tithes.
Dickenson enlisted in the army and he received a commission as a captain in the First
Virginia Regiment.
killed
at the
Dickenson rose to the rank of a major by October 1777. He was
Battle of Monmouth
on
June 28, 1778."
The July 1778 inventory of
Dickenson' s estate did not include any slaves. 14 Either Wiltshire died before Dickenson
or he had a new master by 1778.
James Tyrie
James Tyrie learned the skills of a cabinetmaker from Edmund Dickenson between
August 1772 and August 1777. Tyrie opened a shop in Yorktown after he finished his
apprenticeship. Francis Hern, a free mulatto, apprenticed himself to James Tyrie on July
19, 1785. Hern agreed to serve until his twenty- first birthday. 15 Tyrie died in the spring
of 1786. His inventory included five slaves: Betty valued at£ 40; Frank, a boy valued at
25; Milly and her child Ben valued at£ 60; and Prince valued at£ 20.
12 Virginia Gazette, Dixon ed., 28 August 1779.
13 Gusler, Furniture of Williamsburg, pp. 66- 67; Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, p. 305.
14 York County Wills and Inventories( 22) 401, dated 28 July 1778 and recorded 17 August 1778.
15
York
County
Deeds(
6) 274, dated
and recorded
19
July
1785.
�11
John Crump
John Crump hired one of Henry Wetherburn Nicholson' s slaves from his guardian,
Benjamin Weldon, in 1780.
The
cabinetmaker
11. 10 for the hire of an enslaved
paid£
The
following year Crump paid£ 16 for the labor of Peter and Nanny for one
year. Perhaps Peter assisted Crump in his business.
worker.
Richard Booker
Richard Booker advertised for journeymen cabinetmakers in November 1773, April 1774,
October 1774, January 1775 ( with his partner, John Crump), and July 1776. It is possible
that Booker had enslaved men who worked in his shop in the late 1780s. Booker had
fourteen slaves over the age of twelve in his household in 1788.
James Honey
James Honey was a cabinetmaker who lived in Williamsburg from June 1776 until the
time of his death in April 1787. In 1782 Honey gained a free mulatto apprentice after the
death of his friend, Thomas Jarvis. In his will Jarvis noted
It is also my desire that my mulatto boy Billy whom I believe to be my son should
be
free next
set
session
of assembly &
I
that my
request
exrs. (
who I shall
hereafter name) see to have it so done Likewise that the sd Billy Jarvis should be
bound to James Honey of the City of Williamsburg to learn his trade & calling but
that
he shall be free
when
he
arrives
to 21 years of
It is
age.
also
my will & desire
brother&
sister to the sd Billy at
that they shall be set
present
free in the same manner before mentioned. I give to the sd Billy Jarvis his heirs
that my
exrs.
the
exrs.
purchase two
mulatto
children
property of Nathaniel Burwell
forever my
negro
woman
Sarah&
Kings Creek&
on
Pat&
all the ballance of my estate of
what kind soever after purchasing out of the same the afore mentioned mulatto
children but if the sd Nathaniel Burwell whould not agree to sell the sd children
namely
Franky & Johnny
the whole
balance
after
paying
all my
just&
lawfull
debts to belong to the sd Billy Jarvis.
I
nominate &
appoint my friends James Honey of the City of Williamsburg &
County to be my exrs. & to see the fair& just settling of
Robert Goodrich of York
my estate. I likewise desire they may see the sd Billy Jarvis properly educated &
that they have the disposal of the above estate til he arrives at 24 years of age. I
likewise impower the sd James
what
part of
the
Honey& Robert Goodrich to retain all the negroes
stock of horses,
cattle,
hogs&
c they may see proper for my
plantation for this present year, then to be disposed of as they may judge most to
the advantage
of
the
sd
Billy.
16
16 York County Wills and Inventories( 23) 537- 538, dated 2 February 1781 and recorded 17 September
1782;
ibid., pp.
156- 157, dated 24 September
1782 and recorded
21 April
1788.
Nathaniel
Burwell
Junior
�12
Perhaps Jarvis turned to Honey as the executor of his estate and the teacher of Billy Jarvis
because the slaves whom Honey owned at his death in 1787 included a" negro man that
has been brought up to the cabinet business.'
It is possible that Robert Goodrich handled Thomas Jarvis' s estate after the death of
James Honey since Billy Jarvis ( born in circa 1769; see below for information on Billy
Jarvis' s age) was not yet twenty- four years old. Billy Jarvis was about thirteen years old
when Thomas Jarvis died and about eighteen years old when James Honey died. Billy
Jarvis used the name William Jarvis as an adult and lived in York County. He registered
a description of himself with the clerk of York County on December 17, 1810:
William
Jarvis
a
bright
mulatto
about
41 years of
age—
five feet 7 `/ 2 Inches high—
bald on the top of his head a scar on the right side of his head an one on his left
Emancipated by the will of Thomas Jarvis decd recorded in York Ct on the
foot—
blank]
day
of[
]
177 [ ]
Perhaps three other free men of color with the surname of Jarvis were related to
Billy/ William Jarvis. Charles Jarvis was about twenty- one years old in 1814, John Jarvis
was about twenty- four years old in 1826, and Thomas Jarvis was about twenty- one years
old in 1822. All three men were free- born mulattos.'$
was one of the three men who appraised Jarvis' s estate. The September 1782 inventory of Jarvis' s estate
included
second
three
wench,
slaves:
Sampson
Pat, appraised
at£
a
fellow
valued
at£
90,
a
wench
named
Sarah
Lorena S. Walsh, From Calabar to Carter' s Grove:
Virginia Gazette and Weekly Advertiser,
York
County
was
worth£
The History of a Virginia Slave Community,
Charlottesville and London: University Press of Virginia, 1997), p. 257.
18
who
30, and a
50. Burwell sold Franky and Johnny to Jarvis' s executors in 1782. See
Register of Free Negroes&
17 May 1787.
Mulattoes
1798- 1831.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. August 19, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-08-19
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/313a3e85ef6a629b8aa36e8f55e13cb1.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=jKX8vx-p4VisJb7477NzO8ygJoTU5bw-wR6zw3HOpryheiywmE6QQ6O9aajS7WleGodNoHKJ%7Eo1WVUsAJbKuk4d8DiPnybDiUonXrnzQTbb0brjxq14Dt-v6UziPlE7rgEfLLRvN0xSoEZ1HPZjSxrUgxDBLARF7O4IveGSBcZab7Ce63CTk-qObuTqDjnP0-ByTOSn2AGg%7E3x2k309fRuPlxGWmV9eOHWCYGpunYgpSqDeA1MW%7El57hHPPIF1AUSJaxIXAzmUF1hnCGJiF71NFvo2tUyPkrBq2iFvUBKUpg7tx9sYblY-AaFXWOvPvKHHMrI97BQNmnZ8KkotIBZQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
ab7d2908a971082868aab4e2219ae895
PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
August 5, 1999
The ninth issue of" The Network" contains a table of contents for the " American
Diversity— Williamsburg" section of the Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, answers to
questions from a recent training class, two newspapers announcements that provide
details about slaves who held seats for their masters at the Second Theater in
Williamsburg and slave funerals, details about slaves owned by the Prentis Family,
information about an exhibit of the work of an enslaved African- American Potter named
Dave, information about the Henrietta Marie exhibit, and a list of recently published
books on race and African- American history and culture.
Table of Contents—
The
American Diversity:
Williamsburg
255- 260
Apothecary
The Blacksmith
261- 262
The Brush- Everard House
263- 267
The Cabinetmaker
268- 269
The Capitol
269- 280
The Carpenter'
Carter'
s
s
and Brickmaker'
s
Yard
281- 292
292- 320
Grove
The College of William and
Mary
320- 323
The Courthouse
323- 338
The First Baptist Church
338- 342
Foodways Programs
342- 344
The
Geddy
House
The Governor'
The Gunsmith
s
Palace
344- 345
345- 359
359- 360
�The Harness and Saddlemaker
361- 362
Market Square
363- 371
The Milliner
372
Shop
The Powell House
373- 376
The
377- 380
Printing
Office
The Public Gaol
381- 390
The Raleigh Tavern
391- 395
The Randolph House
396- 405
The Shoemaker
405- 406
The Silversmith
407- 408
The
Mary
Stith House
The Tan Yard
Wetherburn'
s
409- 410
411- 412
Tavern
413- 415
The Wheelwright
415- 417
The Wigmaker
417- 418
The Windmill, Cooper, and Rural Trades
419- 420
The Wythe
Endnotes
House
420- 429
430- 450
Lorena S. Walsh provides answers to the following questions from a recent training class.
Question: When did the British set up a trading post on the west coast of Africa and get
directly involved in the overseas slave trade?
�f
3
Answer: The first English trading posts on the West African coast were established by
the Guinea Company, a joint stock company granted a monopoly of trade in the area
between Senegal and the Bite of Benin by King James I in 1618. This group was
principally involved in the gold and dyewood trades rather than the slave trade, and they
concentrated their efforts primarily in Senegambia and Sierra Leone. This company
employed
a renegade
Dutch
trader
who
established English trading posts (" factories")
on
the Gold Coast starting in 1632. Guinea Company trading posts included Komenda,
Kormantin, Winneba, Anomabu, Takordai, and Cape Coast. During the English Civil
War and the Commonwealth government( 1642- 1660) the Guinea Company' s rights were
challenged, and various English groups, including the East India Company, briefly
established assorted trading posts in various places on the Gold Coast. With the
introduction of sugar cultivation in Barbados in the early 1640s, assorted private English
traders, many violating the Guinea Company' s legal monopoly in the Gold Coast area,
began shipping slaves to Barbados.
After Charles II was restored in 1660, the next group granted monopoly trading rights in
West Africa and which established trading posts explicitly involved in the slave as well
as the gold and other commodity trades was the Company of Royal Adventurers
composed mainly of
courtiers),
set up in 1660 and rechartered in 1663. This company set
up a fort on James Island in Gambia in 1661, and in 1663 took over the previously
established English factories on the Gold Coast. The Adventurers claimed to have
established or re- established 18 factories ( primarily on the Gold Coast) by the end of
1663. But in the next two years most of these posts were retaken by the Dutch.
The Adventurers were bought out and replaced by the Royal African Company, another
joint stock company to which the King also granted monopoly trading rights, in 1672.
This joint stock company was run primarily by merchants, and while continuing to pursue
the commodity trades in gold, ivory, dyewood, etc., concentrated primarily on the slave
trade. The company maintained trading posts in the Gambia and in Sierra Leone,
primarily for the commodity trades. But its main center was on the Gold Coast and the
Slave Coast" to the east where it established posts at Allada( 1674) and Whydah ( 1682).
The Royal African Company initially also maintained a factory at Benin to purchase cloth
for the Gold Coast market, that was abandoned by 1700. Royal African Company ships
traded as well in Old and New Calabar and Angola for slaves, but no trading stations
were maintained in these regions.
or Cabo Corso) trading post was established by the Guinea Company in
1650, seized by the Swedes in 1652, shortly thereafter taken over by the Dutch, and then
retaken by an English fleet in 1663- 64, at which point the English fortified the position.
The Cape Coast (
In the 1670s the successor Royal African Company made Cape Coast Castle its primary
headquarters.
Thus English trading posts on the West African coast were first set up in the 1630s, and
posts trading primarily in
slaves
date
to the
1670s.
�4
Sources: P. E. H. Hair and Robin Law, " The English in Western Africa
to 1700,"
The
Origins ofEmpire, vol. 1 of The Oxford History of the British Empire, Nicholas Canny,
ed., (
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998): 241- 263, a newly arrived book in the CWF
Library. Local correspondence from assorted Gold and Slave Coast trading posts has
been
the
published
in The English in West Africa, 1681- 1683:
Royal African
Oxford
University
Company of England,
Press, 1997),
The Local Correspondence of
1681- 1689, Part 1, Robin Law, ed. ( Oxford:
also in our library.
Question: How often did people sell food and other items in the market in Williamsburg?
Answer: Here I have to claim no information. I suspect that people could not legally sell
within the bounds of the official town market other than on established market days, since
the idea was that such marketing take place in a regulated fashion with the buying and
selling conducted
weights
and
during
measures—
set
hours
official
for regulation of prices, and
the oversight being supported by market taxes. Once an actual
under
oversight—
market house was constructed, individuals like butchers who paid rent for market stalls,
as well as town officials, would presumably have had in interest in preventing irregular
off day sales on the market house premises.
These regulations would not have prevented storekeepers, or individual retailers
including bakers or butchers like Benjamin Hanson who had other established places of
business, from selling as they pleased. Petty hucksters selling from carts or baskets on
the streets or going door to door could presumably also operate on a daily basis.
However tightly or loosely the town market was regulated, unless they were making
prearranged deliveries to regular customers, most people likely planned to sell primarily
on regular market days where they could take advantage of food buying customers
congregating in the area.
Question: Were the chickens alive when they were sold in the market?
Answer: I would assume this to be the normal practice in a pre- refrigeration age. Aside
from preserved pork, chickens and other birds were the" fast food" of the times. Anyone
could keep a chicken in a cage feeding it a little grain until it was time to cook it, thus
insuring freshness. And almost certainly virtually everyone knew how to kill, eviscerate,
and pluck a chicken ready for cooking in a short order. If there were not enough buyers,
the sellers could keep their stock in undiminished condition for sale another day, and the
buyers could be assured
that the
bird
was
healthy
and fresh.
�5
Question: Was wood the most common item sold in the public market?
Answer: To the extent that household account books reflect market purchasing patterns,
wood sales were comparatively infrequent. According to the account books, the most
frequently purchased item was poultry, closely followed by cuts of meat. Vegetables
came next followed by fruits and nuts and seafood. More established households bought
wood only weekly or bi- weekly in the winter and much less often in the summer.
Tavernkeepers, professionals, merchants, and better off artisans often made annual
contracts with a single dealer, assuring themselves of regular deliveries of wood at an
agreed upon price, sort of like the agreements one makes with an oil dealer today.
Smaller households
must have bought firewood in the market as needed from smaller
dealers. This however is a trade we know almost nothing about until after the
Revolution.
The following announcements from the Virginia Gazette and the Virginia Gazette or
American Advertiser provide information the practice of having slaves reserve seats at the
Second Theater in Williamsburg and slave funerals.
We are desired to inform the Publick, That as the Company of Comedians, lately from
London, have obtain' d His Honour the Governor' s Permission, and have, with great
Expence, entirely altered the Play- House at Williamsburg to a regular Theatre, fit for the
Reception of Ladies and Gentlemen, and the Execution of their own Performances, they
intend to open on the first Friday in September next, with a Play, call' d The Merchant of
written by Shakespear) and a Farce, call' d The Anatomist, or, Sham Doctor.
The Ladies are desired to give timely Notice to Mr. Hallam, and at Mr. Fisher' s, for their
Venice, (
Places in the Boxes, and on the Day of the Performance to send their Servants early to
keep them, in Order to prevent Trouble and Disappointment.
Source:
Virginia Gazette, 21 August 1752.
Twenty Pounds Reward.
WILL be paid for apprehending and delivering to me, my negro man named MOSES,
who ran away on the 29th day of October last. He is a likley [ sic] black country born,
sensible fellow; about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, well set, large legs, though well made,
about 28 years of age; he has a small scar on his forehead, nigh the edge of his hair, and I
am told a small piece of one of his ears is off; he is of a smiling countenance, and of a
proud carriage, is by trade a shoe- maker, and has some of his tools with him; he formerly
belonged to one Caleb Trueblood, under whose name I expect he will endeavour to pass
as a
free
man;
he has with him
a
black broad cloth
coat,
and
some
times
officiates
as a
�6
reader at negro funerals. I strictly forbid all persons from employing him either by land
or water, as I am determined to take every advantage the law shall give me of any person
that shall either employ or harbour him.
WILLIAM SKINNER.
NO. CAROLINA( Perquimans county) Jan. 10, 1786.
Source:
Virginia Gazette or American Advertiser, Hayes, ed., 22 February 1786 ( Lathan
A. Windley, comp., Runaway Slave Advertisements: A Documentary History from the
1730s to 1790, 4 vols., Westport, Connecticut:
Greenwood Press, 1983, I: 383).
Information About Slaves Owned by the Prentis Family
The following information about the slaves owned by the Prentis Family is taken from
the talk that Julie Richter gave on Day 1 of" Enslaving Virginia" training in January and
February 1999.
Judith was a young woman when her master, the merchant William Prentis, bequeathed
her and her children to his daughter Elizabeth after his death in August 1765. Judith and
her
Effy, Molly, and Jimmy were valued at£ 115 in the October 1765 inventory
of William Prentis' s estate. This slave family continued to live at the Prentis House on
children
Lot 51 on Duke of Gloucester Street as did Elizabeth Prentis who was thirteen years old
when her father died. Her mother, Mary Prentis, sent Molly to the Bray School for
enslaved and free black
children
in
Williamsburg
in November 1765.
Molly learned
about the Anglican faith, obedience to her master, proper behavior, enunciation, and
reading. Anne Wager, the teacher at the Bray School, also taught Molly and other girls
how to knit and sew.
Judith' s family grew in the 1760s: her children Pompey and Nancy Lewis were baptized
in February 1766 and November 1768, respectively. The short intervals between the
births of three children( Jimmy in 1763, Pompey in 1766, and Nancy Lewis in 1768)
suggest that Judith was able to form a long- term relationship with a man who lived in or
near Williamsburg. Elizabeth Prentis died on October 5, 1770 and her brother John
gained possession of Judith and her children Effy, Molly, Jimmy, Pompey, and Nancy
Lewis.
John Prentis kept Judith' s family together during his lifetime. However, his death in late
1775 brought a number of changes to Judith and her family. John Prentis left Effy,
Pompey, and Nancy Lewis to his younger brother, Joseph. He left the remainder of his
slaves to be equally divided among his brothers Daniel and Joseph and his cousin, Robert
Prentis. Judith was one of" several valuable SLAVES, chiefly House Servants, among
wich is a very good Cook" who were sold by Prentis' s executors at the January 3, 1776
�7
sale of his estate. Her young sons Tom and Lewis were sold with her. Molly was one of
the four dower slaves assigned to Prentis' s widow, also named Elizabeth. It is likely that
Molly served as Elizabeth Prentis' s maid. Judith' s daughter Effy had at least one
daughter Kate who received her baptism in November 1782. Effy and Pompey lived in
Williamsburg until the death of Joseph Prentis Senior in 1809. Effy, Pompey, and the
other eight slaves owned by Prentis at his death became the property of his son and
namesake, a lawyer who lived in Suffolk.
William Prentis gained possession of a slave named Nanny when the will of his father- inlaw, John Brooks, was probated in November 1729. Nanny and Prentis' s wife Mary
lives
Lot 51.
Nanny likely helped Mary
Prentis care for her eight children in addition to her other household duties. She was
called " Old Nanny" and valued at £ 5 in the October 1765 inventory of Prentis' s estate.
together
probably grew up
and lived
out their
on
The appraisers noted that there was a place on Prentis' s property known as " old
Nanny'
It is possible that Nanny had a structure that was recognized as her own
s."
because
she
had been
an
important part of
the
household for many years.
Unfortunately,
the appraisers only made note of the items at" old Nanny' s" that belonged to Prentis.
They did not list furniture, foodstuffs, or Nanny' s personal items.
Another Prentis slave used her position in the family to negotiate with her master. John
Prentis bequeathed
a
girl
named Rachel
to
his brother Joseph in his 1773 will.
She and
her daughter Lucy were among the slaves in the July 24, 1809 inventory of Joseph
Prentis' s estate. Rachel persuaded her new master, Joseph Prentis Junior, to allow her to
stay in Williamsburg instead of moving to his house in Suffolk. Prentis hired her to
well.
It is likely that
Rachel had known Benjamin White since her childhood and convinced him to hire her so
Benjamin
White,
a
free
man
of
color,
in 1826 and perhaps
earlier as
that she could stay in Williamsburg. White grew up as the slave of Mary Stith and lived
on Lot 17, a short distance from the Prentis House. Rachel stayed with White and his
son, alson named Benjamin White, when she was older and unable to work. Prentis paid
White for maintaining" Aunt Rachel" during 1836. In early February 1837 Prentis' s
friend and Williamsburg resident, Robert Saunders Junior, wrote to tell him that Rachel
had died. Prentis lamented
the
death of his" much beloved &
faithful nurse, Mammy
Rachel."
I Made This Jar':
The Life and Works of the Enslaved African- American Potter, Dave"
This traveling exhibition focuses on the work of a potter known as Dave. The exhibit
opened at the McKissick Museum at the University of South Carolina at Columbia in
April 1998. It was at The High Museum of Art in Atlanta from May 16- July 31, 1999.
Next,
the exhibit will
be at the Charles H. Wright
Museum
of African- American
History
�8
in Detroit from October 9, 1999- January 2, 2000. The final venue for this exhibit is the
Winterthur Museum, Garden, and Library in Winterthur, Delaware, from February 5- June
25, 2000. Jill Beute Koverman
Life and Works
wrote
the exhibit
catalogue—"
I Made This Jar":
Enslaved African- American Potter, Dave—
of
University of South Carolina Press in 1998.
the
The
published by the
A remarkable slave potter known only as Dave is the subject of a nationally travelling
exhibition and catalogue of the alkaline- glazed stoneware tradition rooted in the South
Carolina' s Edgefield District.
In the mid 1980s McKissick Museum of the University of South Carolina conducted a
major study of the social and economic history of this stoneware tradition. This study
documented more than 50 vessels of remarkable size made in the Edgefield District
during the 19th and 20th centuries. Twenty of these pots were inscribed with poetic
verse, ranging from the somber and moralistic to the wry and witty, and signed Dave.
The Exhibit
The significance of Dave' s work is just beginning to be acknowledged by scholars and
museum curators.
Major museums
such as the Smithsonian
Institution
and the
Philadelphia Museum of Art have recently acquired pieces made by the potter and poet of
Edgefield.
McKissick Museum, at the University of South Carolina, examines the significance of
Dave and his works for the American ceramic and literary traditions. Through these pots
and poems, this exhibit promises to complicate our understanding of the social relations
of slavery in the antebellum South. By celebrating the sophisticated ways one slave
successfully subverted the institution of slavery, by adding to the number of know 19th
century African American poets from the South, and by suggesting that not all
southerners were unequivocal supporters of slavery, the story of Dave will debunk racial
and ethnic stereotypes that continue to haunt the region and the nation.
Accompanying the 25 vessels made by Dave, pieces from several other potters from the
Edgefield District of that era will be displayed in the exhibit.
Photomurals,
maps, and
panels of explanatory text will accompany the objects and provide a broader cultural
context for Dave and his pottery. The exhibit catalogue will provide an in- depth account
as well as a catalogue raissone of his work.
Scheduled to open at McKissick Museum during April 1998 ( Poetry Month), numerous
public outreach events are already being organized for presentation during the nine
months the exhibit will be on view in South Carolina. The story of Dave will also be
presented to far wider audience through travelling venues across the United States.
�9
The Research
Jill Beute Koverman( McKissick Museum Curator of Education) has conducted extensive
archival investigation on the enslaved African potter known only as Dave. Her research
has identified 90 existing
vessels
produced by
Dave between 1820 and 1863.
The
findings have also placed Dave' s work at the ideological center of southern politics and
culture during this era in Edgefield, South Carolina.
The Edgefield District—
supporters
sentiment.
of radical
home of Francis Pickens and John Hammond who were strong
nullifier
John C. Calhoun— was a virtual hotbed of secessionist
The local newspaper,
The Edgefield Hive, served as a venue to expound the
liberal views and pro- union stance of its owner, Dr. Abner Landrum. Dave worked with
Dr. Landrum, and perhaps because of his liberal views, may have been the individual that
taught Dave to read and write.
The most substantive clue to Dave' s identity is revealed in an editorial of the April 1863
issue of the Edgefield Advertiser. It reads:
One day in years gone by I happened to meet DAVE POTTERY( whom many
readers will remember as the grandiloquent old darkey once connected with a
paper known as the Edgefield Hive in the outskirts of his beloved hamlet.
Observing an intelligent twinkle in his eye, we accosted him in one of his own set
speeches: "
Well, Uncle Dave, how does your corporosity
sagitate?"—"
First rate,
young master, from top to toe. I just had a magnanimous bowl-ful of dat delicious
old beverage, buttermilk."
Who has not often felt his buttermilk
as Dave did.
From this passage it would appear that Dave was a slave well known in the larger
community for his way with words. Dr. Landrum operated both the Edgefield Hive ( from
1829 to 1831), and a stoneware factory named Pottersville ( from 1817 to 1828).
Contemporary scholars Dr. John Burrison and Dr. John Michael Vlach have speculated
that Dave likely acquired his command of the English Language working for Landrum
first as a potter, and then as a typesetter.
The institution of slavery did much to negate the lives and contributions of those
enslaved.
Theories about Dave' s origins can be drawn from information found in sources
such as census records, Slave Schedules, local newspapers, deeds, probate records and
Manufacturing Census' s. Two local churches in Edgefield, members of the African
American community, have been asked to search their local histories as well for any
information about Dave.
Sources:
Homepage for the McKissick Museum of Art, University of South Carolina at
Columbia( http: www. cla. sc. edu/ MCKS/ html/ exhib. htm) and the Dave Website
http: www. cla. sc. edu/ MCKS/ dave/ index. htm).
�10
Information About" A Slave Ship Speaks: The Wreck of the Henrietta Marie"
This exhibit was organized by the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society. The artifacts
from the Henrietta Marie and the interactive exhibit are currently making a three- year,
twenty-city, national tour. The last stop is in Milwaukee at America' s Black Holocaust
Museum from May 15 to August 22, 1999.
In the summer of 1700, the English merchant-slaver Henrietta Marie sank in unknown
circumstances thirty-five miles west of Key West, Florida. Shortly before this mishap,
she had sold a shipment of 190 captive Africans in Jamaica.
The shipwreck was first found by Mel Fisher' s divers in 1972 but only partially
excavated. Their brief work revealed that it was later than the Spanish galleon Nuestra
Senora de Atocha, which they were searching for, as well as being English. Known as
the" English Wreck" for the next ten years, it was not until July of 1983 that divers
returned to the site. Archaeologist David Moore went out to study the wreck with Henry
Taylor, a salvor who had made an arrangement with Mel to work at the site. They knew
that what lay below was not a treasure vessel, but suspected it would be able to make an
important contribution to history.
The ship was much more important than they hoped. On most ships of the period, one or
two sets of iron shackles were carried to punish sailors who might misbehave; the large
number
found
this site was
on
unusual.
Then
came
an enormous
breakthrough— a diver
discovered the ship' s bell. The cast bronze bell was heavily encrusted with concreted
sand, sediment and coral. When the crew gently chipped this covering away, something
remarkable
was revealed—
the means to identify the long- lost ship beyond a shadow of a
doubt. " THE HENRIETTA MARIE 1699" was etched in block letters on the bell.
The
identification brought a startling immediacy to the excavation. Once records of Jamaican
shipping returns confirmed the vessel' s status as a slaver, the wreck' s significance was
apparent—
the Henrietta Marie was the earliest slave shipwreck identified by name.
The identification allowed researchers to use historical records to begin reconstructing a
little- known passage in American history. Early in the research process, records were
uncovered showing that the Henrietta Marie had been a London- based vessel, registered
as 120 tons burden. Sturdy and fast, she traveled the infamous triangular trade route
favored
by
the slavers—
from England to the Guinea coast, to the Americas, then home
again.
Accounts relating to the Henrietta Marie' s voyages were uncovered, as were the names
of her investors,
captains, and wills of some of her crew members.
Artifacts found at the
site proved particularly helpful in creating a picture of shipboard life and the practices of
the slave
trade.
Several years
ago,
Mel Fisher donated
the artifacts
from
the
wreck
to the not-
for- profit
�it
Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society. Under the Society, research has continued both
with the collection of recovered items, and in the field.
Today, the Henrietta Marie is believed to be the world' s largest source of tangible objects
from the early years of the slave trade. As such it has proved to be a" gold mine" of
information about a pivotal period in African, European and American history. Artifacts
from any aspect of the maritime slave trade are extremely rare. Among the objects found
at the site of the Henrietta Marie are over eighty sets of shackles, two cast- iron cannon,
Venetian glass
beads, stock iron
trade
trade
bars,
ivory "
elephant'
s
teeth," and a large
collection of English made pewter tankards, basins, spoons and bottles. The partial
remains of the ship' s hull have allowed for a reconstruction of the vessel. An equally
valuable " treasure"
is less tangible: the wealth of information
researchers
have been able
to uncover about the complex maritime slave trade and the roots of racial inequality that
still exist today.
In May of 1993, the National Association of Black SCUBA Divers placed a memorial
plaque on the site of the Henrietta Marie. The simple bronze marker, which faces the
African shore thousands of miles away, bears the name of the slave ship and reads,
In memory and recognition of the
courage, pain and suffering of enslaved
African people.
Speak her name and gently touch the
souls of our ancestors."
Two years later, in May of 1995, the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society unveiled" A
Slave
Ship
Speaks: The Wreck of
the Henrietta
Marie."
The first major museum
exhibition in this country devoted to the transatlantic slave trade, it was prepared and
mounted with the assistance of the nation' s leading scholars of African- American history.
The critically acclaimed exhibition uses the vessel as a focal point to examine the slave
trade, the conditions that spawned it, and its still-evident effect on society. It is currently
on a tour of museums across the United States, sponsored by the General Motors
corporation.
Dr. Colin Palmer, author of Human Cargoes and a professor of history at the University
of North Carolina, is just one of the scholars whose work contributed to the creation of
the Henrietta Marie exhibition. He believes that an understanding of the slave trade—
such as the exhibit might inspire— is vital if race relations are to progress beyond their
current uneasy
the
that
state. "
The story ends in 1700 for this particular ship, but the story of what
ship represented continues today," he
she is an essential
part of recovering
says. "
the
The importance of the Henrietta Marie is
black
experience—
symbolically,
metaphorically and in reality."
Source:
www. melfisher.
org.
See
also
A Slave
Ship
Speaks:
The Wreck
of the
Henrietta
�12
Marie, (
Key West, Florida: The Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society, 1995).
List of Recently Published Books on Race and African-American History and Culture.
Diouf, Sylviane A. Servants ofAllah: African Muslims Enslaved in the Americas. New
York: New York University Press, 1998.
Finkelman, Paul, ed. Slavery and the Law. Madison:
Madison House, 1997.
Gordon- Reed, Annette. Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings: An American
Controversy, revised edition. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999.
Rhodes, Jane. Mary Ann Shadd Cary: The Black Press and Protest in the Nineteenth
Century. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998.
Robinson, Eugene. Coal to Cream: A Black Man' s Journey Beyond Color to an
Affirmation of Race. New York: Free Press, 1999.
The Insistence
of the Indian: Race and Nationalism in NineteenthCentury American Culture. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998.
Scheckel, Susan.
Wahl,
Jenny
Bourne.
The Bondsman' s Burden: An Economic Analysis of the Common
Law ofSouthern Slavery. Cambridge Historical Studies in American Law and
Society. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
Zafar, Rafia.
We Wear the Mask: African- Americans Write American Literature, 1760-
1870. New York: Columbia
University
Press, 1997.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. August 5, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-08-05
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/b09e02e48e57a0e2cc3bfd754dbd5f62.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=CZkiyHTvHTIH%7EqJBoq8Lvv2v-QwZQx9kQ65wnDIGeWnzrchVyOEm89L36FpsmllseqgORg7mKd6PwSOTZKlwzv%7E2HINHOHf7mrzCK7SsXMBKkuDlaKQaxEA-%7Egfb1Wjf9m7DkDxwp1nWDdSZUj4J9ci1vQjAiSuI%7EhnIBWc%7Ete6uUVpin5cGdjb0qRI9hu5zqQrNSsSnpjIGBnL43X6e%7ENr25pIvsolZb89nykUDCVRKPOgjnYNR1r1GpnmMMD-ckvHZZg0%7EMpvkv9MA53pZk6L6wqyRh3XUGiNJ3kD2-O4UoNOPLQ5loKkdJve4ZpF%7E2NEH%7EP4nSxCxFNSHHA16LA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
79e5575e9e42dc373071956a780867da
PDF Text
Text
0- 0- 0I 3
Auci sly S
puns iy 'pd c 3
ILL I ' BNI . 81 PPS
SyseM io3 Aqqsy Auuum
i000
:
0s13na1 uo
S3
i000y° nogg ay ioJ uot2OCJsges [ ln3 u punod ang Aqqsy AuueN Pled ' HN
ul8I AnNI
Z' 6i 3
le
Puns
S
ILL I
4SeD
13
Z' 6' 6
Z' 6i' i
Z/
1
S1-Tpis L 103 siing
L
sSvois id b 23IreNI
S-DIPUH Z [ S3[JC] N1
sSvois .id 8 SIluNI
b I
8 Z
sasua nnolpd Z S31BIAI
S
9'
I. I
siaags ' id Z SrNI
SPIS S SPuONI
ia2ad io3 SKIS L S31-1gNN i'8 B31E111
0i
OI . L
S4SCM
SONI 6
ILLI Si _ids,
ILL I
Aqqsy Auum 0i 'iU asiow I(ivaH
ssaiisureas u se SuplloM Aq puu£ ipunel
ur Suplei Aq ua rppgo lag puu jpsiaq paiioddns ( ail lag Suunp soul Arum pug ` sauo f uuy
Aqqsy AuuCN` Aqqsy uuy sC unnouol) ueuroM sigi i>;
qi aiuoipui osie sivaurnoop asagi ' uosiad
jo peaq agi se snsuaD SingsureilllM Z8L I oqi uo pa.readdu own
uu DOM 3lowl aaij agi sauo f AIRIU I pue ` sauo f aSioao pine Aqqsy nnagiiew jo aJnn ay `sauo f
Aqqsy uuy iugi aouaprna apinoid Apure) s! ivaid ay Aq ida31 svoq Cpueiouraur ur sauiug
awes
ay
aiann
plogasnog>?
llagdure3 uu>?iisugj Aq paunno siaioqul panClsua aqi pug ` sands Jo uo9udioueura
ayi puu gdlopueg punurpg inoqu spCiap suleiuoo osiu anssl snit 'iesaup iagiug
SC UMou)
l osl>? `adoH ugof 30 1ai4Snep ay `adoH giipnf pug
loClq aaij OMi inoqu uoiieurioJui puoii ppu
sapnlout „
sauo
Aqqsy
uuy—
uauxoM
lionniaN aqi„ jo anss gig2la agi
6661 ` ZZ XInf
uomivallgnd 1 fu1S. c1A Suinelsug uv
1JOM1aM aql
f
�0
sior
simui
0
aa.JJ sauor AuueN
sa3IgM
aw1u
Z8L J ` snsua3 8mgsuingp.M
o!
oos jeouolst pupjAnyv ` Sg [ d] ` loog Tun000y pup sladrd stnuald : aaanos
sauor cuu2N
P3Pnlou! 8LLI ` aloes sITuald atop ajg2ntaoag slun000y jo) joog lun000'
LS 3 ` Moog slun000y pup
6 7
"
s Tuaid Magog : aaanos
bL aunr o2
EL Auer tuog SunjseM 'food Ail
7
9
tpumotuoj ` sldiaooj
S8 N 3.101S ui uanI 1.!pai3
9
9" 61" Z 3
oQ
l
icunr
VLLI
oQ
SZ noN
113BD
S 130
S"
0I"
uong qi 6Z io3 .pd
9' bj"
0I"
7
alas useD
o. L
0I '. idog
ELL
sauor AtnrWN -. JQ
9'* S
IreNi
sauor X 0111V
Cep
2sl AEIAI 91 313 9" Z 7
log
u391 01j3 Pool s& uiilnls
xis spunod onn asrnna} jil `5un{spM aoj i d ui spunod aanj2 avow tivaH3o ZLLI : 2nd b poaJJ
Z
�jo uogiod a gjlu asegaind of `Jojnaaxg srq pajnjljsuoa u!aiagj `albsg gdiopuj punwpg
awl aqi pajaanp ag ganiM, cg 8uguM u![ gm [ 2] SUI s1q pagsggnd adoH JesarD P!es aqj ' prop
Mauls JMgjo.Iq a pue Jauoggad inoA zIn `agepuoq u! wank ogM age pp s! g u! ua.ip!!ga oMj Sulneg
jtgj •leuosiad pue Ieai gjoq Auadold gouts autos pajtlnwnaae loge! Suoi a Aq peg ` panouiai
seM juaulUJanoS alp nue puotugogi u! pue 2uaunuano2 jo was aq2 SEM UMO3 jtgj mink
aJngsuregi! A1 u! Tog lag Ieq g jo ssau! sng alp ponsind mac iCueul. ioj ogM adoH. resaep laglej
aTtl iaq jtgs - • gjaMags A" njpadsaJ adol gjlpnf jo uoggad alp `e!uISnA3o gjleaMuounuoD
agj jo sajt5'api Jo asnoq agj jo siagwaw pue. mleads aui alquoq alp oZ
6181
aagw000
i Z `adoH gjlpnf Jo uoggad
papJoaaJ pue L08 I 1ULA1
Iq] PaiiP `Z9I- LSI ( 9181- 0181) i ' oN sII!M jJnop s$ uljsnH puotutpujo i1!3 : aaanos
118 I
Jagu
anoN ''
IJUUI
adoH. resew
s! g
L08I AuiniJo/
Cep [) Iueiq] stgj maim{ was 1cw paxUe pue pauii!s mug J JO3J04M, uou9saj
ui • i2unaas ou anlii of s! ogM Jojnaaxa iiul gdioputj :ulpg 2u!odde i •uiopaag nag2 jo
astgaJnd agj of pagdde jsJj aq gegs i jnq` ajq. tag. ioj aJIM pros Atu jo asn 341 of loacqns ajejsa
lguosiad/ cut jo anp!sai pue Tsai alp Ae uaipug° jsa$ unoA pies oMj cut of astnap i : wall • you Jo
uuo3 u!. tag, cJJew JOAO i Jag1a4M paga a)IU2 of are aJIM Cut of AOUSal pue as! nap& ulaaJo3 aqs
ajejsa alga/tow Am pug ainjnunj uagaloi pue piogasnoq Aug tie AjiadoJd ajnlosge u! plesoJooe
aj!M Am of gjganbag i :wan •alduns aaj u! joaiagj alogM alp M)' nj of s! ul=quo JonlnJns
agj` seaA auo iSjuoMj Jo° St alp aiojaq put `05guJeut aJojaq ow legs uiagl jo nippy pun
snag. gagj pug ulagj uaamlaq papinlp aq of Agenba acres alp Nog wogs `aa g Has pug wall gal
MOU s! jggM gIIM `asega1nd of s! gdlopueN punWpg p!ts alp WogM ` gjipnf pug uOs' aN paureu
Jag Aq uaJp'! 4D jsasunoA oMj, ful jegj Trap Jag Jage put mum Jo luaunpeadul! Aue wag
as g `aJq Jaq 2uunp M IMS aqj Aolua' legs ` aJIM Mu sg ` OW gj1M sang ogM adoH Jgua J wig `jsruj
uI `awls° pat cw Jig pug puoul4M! g Jo Aj!a aqj u! anq i go! gM uo jot pug asnoq gig sJlag stq pue
gdiopuew punulpg of as!nap i •juaurejsaj pun IIIM wet 1ciu aq of su!Mo" of alp ajnj!1suoa put
urepio
AgaJag
op JesMMO JagJgg pafea
saurgaUIOs
adoH
Jgsae)
j `caw pop Jo aureu alp ill
adoH JUSOU) JO IfiM
0Z8 I awl u! UIUIilJ! A u! Agjs of uo!ssluuad paule$ pug jsanbaJ Jag pasUJgdai adoH gj!pnf
lrgssa0Mns jou SUM ` 6181 u! ` uo! j!jad jsJg JaH • puoulgalg Jo A1!) aqj of pannugns adoH
gj! pnf 2tg1 suoggad oMj alp pue II?M L081 s‘ ado1 sapnpu! « 31JOMj0N agj,,,Jo uo! 20as
rog aMmosaZi UIUI JIA_ urneisug all u! 619- 819 `9 i S • dd aas) 9081 ` i km JMue ulopaag
Jag paw
aqs asngaaq e!u12J!A u! Arts of uo!ss! uuad uwS of papaau adoH g1!pnf • il!M s! q
uI Jag JoJ aJnaos of padoq( JgsaUD JagJgg sg uMougi osie) adoH ugo f `J0tgej Jag Tegj wopaa.g
alp Ao[ ua pug
e! UI
iIA
u!
Aejs of pOMOiie aq of pauo! iliad adoH gj1Pnf ` 0Z8I Pue 6181 uI
�JO uorli1ad
:[
asiana. r uo]
ea
aqi
grfeamuoururo3
alp
ajge
urg21nn
rouoq ag2 Jo
mopaa.
g Jo
aoua2jnpun
s&
age
unssajq
Aq
pue
agr
Aqua pue anq
iag2our
iaq uroid [
2no
! A Jo
pannzuad aq arruejsi2ag
passo n— pauiuuad aq]
uoged ouema Jo poop a jo arg_nn un Aeur aqs rutp sAeid Ajgwnq aioja iagr aqs - pano rdde sIemje
aneq
uragp
asogp
qmm paiurenboe 2saq
gorgm pure `
pafgo
Apsnf
ueo auou
gon{ m
1uaurliodap
pue iaperego a jo sjooid Aropejsues Isom age pawrgtgxa qi, to rag seq pue rign{xa ueo aqs sadoq
aqs `
rgauaq oggnd jo aoe& unjums Aug jo aoueuuojiad atp long; of aj313 a se mid or se areunpoj
os Iou s ags ogije. 1o3 Tamar siiemje seq pue wog sem aqs uogo psunf asogm uigl!m swop
uogwodroD io Aunop age or trap iagp>?i Apoq ajgeiouoq. rnoA
uoueogdde lag paredaid
seg. rauoW2ad inoA uanr2
oZ - ajij
or a.rma. ro
s! `
aq
anoge
jeuoirei pue
asuadurooai
2i
leg1
alarms ° quo uogonwsuoo a JO spaJJa age ptone
2uaguas
a
puiq
ueo
uro.g 2uaun{snreq q2 m pap.remai
gsrm a ` li jo spafgo ag2 uaaq aneq oqm asog; ui a2! oxa pjnogs
ponpuoo pool lamb pue imge ajquzng jo ajq isa2uoj age rag os `Aa oos un uogipuoo. nag2
aq Aeur. rana11gm maJ Alan jo roj atp o1 sfjej gon{m aunirod pool a `.raperego felaua2 pue oggnd
e jo oor rag pure `doe jeuil s amos jo aoueuuoprad aq2 uodn Idaoxa `pa2ueJ2 aq. ranau ueo a2e2s
ag1 ut ureuua r
uoissru.uad Imp `Isrsum suos.rad Augur `1sej atp uodn Ajrejno i.rd `9 T 8 T 3o me'I
aqs jo suorsino rd pianos asaw uodn „-
piooa r alp uodn palamua aq `uoissiuuad lions& upuei2jo
aunt am 1,e Hugs pnpuoo pool jeiaua2. rag. ro srq se [ jam se ` paled!oueura sem ags to aq gon{m
IT wow kreutpioe
reurpioeilxa
ag1
rixa
pig legs„ ` ure2e pue ` uoiss uuad 1ue2 Arm Amp ` lueogdde alp Jo wow
Jo uragi of joo rd uodn legl— : ureurai o1 aneaj. roJ uoue rod.roo. ro Auno3 atp
Jo lrnoo atp o2 jeadde Aeur„ wow£ reu pioe.rvca„. roJ paredtoueura anejs/ cue 2eg2 ` s Mg' aquuo
2no passo ro-- a1e11sng] o1 Aja ra2ui a2sourje se ` lions s paapui ` uogua1un
fear. nag1 un{2! m IT Aran ainlefs! Sa- f ag2 Aq pa[ 2am] s! p uaaq aneq o2 pangaq aoua2fnpur
age Mo r reu or se lions s! ` asuogpne/ jgegoid firm toe 2eg2 Jo a2en2uej aq1 go gm uogotulsuoo
e ` paldope anal sfeunqul amos pue suosiad aims gonim mei 1eg2 Jo uogon.rlsuoo age 2nq ` areas
a2en2uej ags - 3! 2eaJap [
gig un ap1sal o1 uo ssm uuad ureigo saouensurno.no. rejnop.red iapun Arm `paledhoueura uaaq aneq
ogm swirls ` 918 T JeaA a4I Jo a rnlefsr2a- 1 age Jo doe atp u uoisrno.rd jeiaua2 a Aq Inn creme s
aqs . Afgmassy je.rauaD atp Jo AOJaur age `aoua2jnpui ag1 paleogddns o2 paln1uan seq aqs os op
Arm aqs regg pue : pagoeue si aqs urogm or pue `uMouaj si aqs urogm Aq asog3 2uoure Arnijeu
lag jo puej ag1 u suiureura.r_rag. roJ paurergo aq ueo a mlejsl2ag atp jo uoissnurad ag2j! mopaa.rj
lag anI2 o1 sno nsap st pue ` ssa.r2siur lag wag. rag pasegoind sal aouis srea/C jeianas [ Ino passoio
pueq. raq
rod
Aq]
as
g
pauopred
rauoggad. moA Jo lag2om a1Z . reap oo2 se 2uuapisuoo
sdeg rod ajeuuaj a se gon{ m area
uo ssassod [ Ino passoio
apeur sem oqm.
aq Arm
aqs
lea r2 su{1 uana 2ursegolnd aq or. rag o2 moos saop `aJf. rag Jo Argrgied pue 2! geq Anna
pue
uotxauuoo
AJana
Jonas
o2 `. rag3our
punt
a
Tama orm o2
uroij
or.
roJ`„ gourd
fie anoge„ uoi3eurgsa. rag ui pazud s11! mg Van q1!M Aes AjpJg ueo aqs ` 2i anjemapun Iou
saop aqs s) jun 2 aqs pue `.rauoggad Jno/ o3 s! uropaa.g se reau •anoura.r or os amp.;a Jo 1uana
atp
u
Atragq'
loge°
a.
nlraJJo3
e
Jo/
jeuad jnjpea.rp alp. spun `uoged oueura. nags jo aunt atp
wag s4Iuour anjam1 unf3rm enrr2J! Ado gije0Muoiuuuo3
ag2 urog anouraJ pjnogs ` palediouema
rages ra4I soris fie legl suuinba.r ' 9081 £ renuef ur passed/cfqurasse jo doe a4I Jo a2essed
ag3
Aq pa2eJ2sn.
g
sem `
atp] `. raq.
Jag spremo3[
Ino
passo.ro— Jatpud. rag Jo]
uoguaIU
pup' sp.{ [ Ino passo ro
roJ/cjaleunlrojun 2nq ' LOST Amu Jo glum atp un apeur SEM. ragIeJ s,Jauotwad
JnoA jo film aqs • pa2edioueura map aneg o3 pue ` iagio. rq. rag pue Jauoggad.
rno/
grog ` a2ersg
�Surlure
loadsar
sr
8 j go 1Cjqurasssgo log aqi Aq palrioijarus nuorlilad. rnoAgo uogenlis aul si Janalsujm
r$ [ ]
ou
u1 . Ar03joour pruo
uggl i uag° j11ij ss sarljnoiUip asotjl of loafgns iaq o1 paiapual
passoia-- p.rgSa r] treo aqs ` uouumrs iaq ui suoslad jo uogdaaa r
alp o1 paluasa rd a ragm Anna sarljnor pp ajdtljntu 342 sioptsuoo aqs uagm pug : luajsninba
gonjm
uropaa. g 1sg1 mnrn [ 1no
Ire a1n1usuoo
Ajao.reos
treo
uropaag.
ro
ajg
uana [ 1n0
passo ro— go uoqs& u glou] gonjm
tiortim] uonipuoo g sr sp.reSa r aqs ` pain22uz pug pa ralsog anEq sseaA ganjm
rapua. uns of `
ug° uodn uorx° uuoo js rnlgu pug puai g Anna wag
uorls redas
site.rog uana uanup aq o11nq `Ai.ragggo [ ors] ssurssijq ayl of
ajgisuasui lou si. rauorlilad inoA . uuopaaggo angrapog alnjosgg uggo iljguad alp npun los Imp
go amgp at{l$ uipaaoons lxau An/Nip Aup 1s j ayl. ra} Fe palsdrotretua aq pjnogs oqm suos rod jjs go
rjljgamuoururoo snjl urogg jgnotua r alp suuinba r pauan.r° dns 9081 . reaA° glgo Ajqurassy jo lob'
auj l .suoilualui asogl Suiloajago sugaur alp sssduuoo of Trap sir{ aiogoq pouad Aug is Alijigguu
snj o1 Apred pug ` uoilsnlis siq wag ajq i dasui aousroar atjl 01 Ind ui [ 1no passoro-- ouS!
gl ol] lgnop ou Suimo `paluioddssip Ajjglol uaaq laA sg angq Jogmgg laq go suoilualui luaogivaq
rog[
1no
passo
uorlgioossg
ro—
pug liggq Anna.
s o1 uoissassod
arjZ .iagmig awl.r° uj pug. r° uoililad. rno1C alsdiougtua pug assgo rnd o1 `Jolnoaxa aujl patugu
tua.ragjl `.rbsg gdjopusj punurpg alsj ag10l uoimoanp atg uaas aq! gm gonjm Aq ` pamignjxa
rjlima.ratj si° doll. resasj piss aujlgo! pm lsgj pus luaruglsal alp go Adoo d -suograxa S] atjlsg
rat{ go loafgo jslidgo g wag anal o1 s.readds ` pgap° ouis Si tuogm go Jourj mg pug ' Annuls
ur u roq want Oqm `.ratjmo.rq. Iaq pug. iauoililad. rnoA uodn saSulugnpg acres atjl molsag o1
pug ` aril Aq pamgdiousuua pug pasggomd Ajluanbasgns ssm 1nq [ 1no passoio— pus] ' awls s ssm
sprum. r° jg slgaA jg.ranas 10j pug° doll. resagg pigs quo agrm ar{1 sumuooaq. rag go amp ayl lg
lauoililad. rnocgo. ratjlow all lgra .umounj gam ssm. rarjlgg. raq 1.11014m of `pauoguaur 1sn[ saosjd
gloggo slusligegui pagsin2uilsip lsour pug 1s° pjo alp 01 paddy aouapguoo tj1?m ureo iouorptlad
rnoA` uorlgls awing sig ui ustu pjo sitjlgo Al pgeloadsar atp lod - Sur/kg ajgsaloguroo s paloajjoo
ssaursnq slq ui£. rlsnpui pug aoua.ranasiodgo asinoo Suoj s Aq oqm pue ` puouujoi21go Alit
pug Ringsturligm go umol atjl ui Tog i°greq sgo ssauusnq aujl pamogog sieaA Ausw. rog ogm
doll. resag) parusu [ 1no passoio--- aq1 Ag] J0joo go ueur s go JaltOngp alp Si arts luta
glamags Ajjngloadsar adoH rjlipnfgo uoililad
alp`
eiur$ n.
Ago
alrrlgjsiila-
1 alp go sasnoH Tog go
siaquratu
pug&
mjgads atjl ajggiouoq aq1 oZ
0Z8 f . raquuaoau 11 ` adoH ujlipnf go uoililad
sruran.Ago Aie.rgrl` 1Z81- 6i8i `suoggad anilsjsisarl puourrjoiggo cl!D : a3anos
OZ8 I—
ois] 6181 LPL f Aue
paloafaal— rano uallirm] ajgsuossa21
fJO ' S2301 ' mat
6181 * LIMZ '. ro° Q
6181
1sIZ
roaU paluasard
adoH t{lipnf
c
�ui ulane2 s‘ eiootu.uod eugelas loop alp aropaq a3e2sa sAdiopue)J1alad Iauoioi Jo airs
oc 31oj pasegaind aq LuogM AaiMog 2iagog paag gdiopurN ` 58L i ` I Z laquraoau up
ue
uosipeysi saLue f
dogsig
ui etgdiapeitgd of panoLu ag 3t saneis wino Silt Wui33diourLua jo
A2! jigissod alp pauotiuoui gdiopueji Imp alenne aq anvil 2ou NSW' adoH ` JoAannoH ' 1708I
ui &
emo aLueu OLD, Cq ueuronn aneis a pue pineU paLueu urw paneisua UP JO Luopaa. g
aq1 ui
padiaq ail Imp pue 58L I ui AaIMog 1ragog paweu ueLu ominim a pa2edtoueula
gdiopueg wq1 MOLD' adoH imp Aialii st 3I • s.ieaA ielanas 10j Jaw 'pea UMoLoi
peg Amp asneoaq gdiopuej of paum adoH sdeglad . glipn f pue uosiaN ` ua rpitgo 3sa& uno/i
onnl sp.(jo Luopaa.ij alp alnoos of gdiopueg punwpg asogo ail A4M awls 2ou pip adoH uqo f
o2
101101 68L I
saneis Jo uot2edtoueLug
e ui$
1iA Jo
IC1eigr `
1Z81- 6i8I ` suouuad ant2eist$
a-
alp pue gdiopuej punurpg
ACl!
f puourgomjo
D : aaanos
0Z8I
1o0Q 1129Z unnelp mg
0Z8I ' 1OOQ
1l8 i aigeuoseag
f Jo *sag 01 ' mat
0Z8I gilt ' 1OOQ
adoH g2ipn f
Jo uoi3Uad
[
aslanal
uo]
adoH g3ipn f
g3ieannuounuoo Sig2 utg3inn uiewa r o2 pa23tuuad aq AELu ` lauoi2r2ad
1no/C ueuloM aa.rj g s 3eg2 pue `aitxa ien odlad Jo uompuoo pleq aq3 uio g 2duraxa ` aa g lag
a}iewu pue 3nunumu o3 paituuad aq Amu ` lauounad 1noAC pasegolnd sq adoH. resarD a2ei ow Jo
s3oa
a
alp
Jo uop iod
a
g21M pue iitM
aq2 o3 aouatpago
ut [
ono
passolo— iapun] own 1a4Ioul lag
adol.muaj imp sherd ICiquinq ags uot2enms slauoppad 1noiC Jo MaIn sig3 lapun • ie2uauuu2ap
icig8n4 pue Aiantlisod pue `ssaiasn ueg2 aslonn uaaq peg an 1a4Jt ueg3(` Aint2eu 1agJo purl
alp La all) pue anu 01) sags!M 2uaple 1a4 Jo 3uauluieUe alp 1aleau `1ana3e4M as diap ou wr 1aq
amid `paito Isn[ a3n3e3s aqIJo suoisinold alp lapun pinonn ssauinJasn aigwnq jo ajti Suoi a legp
os ` saunwao
jo sienla3ut
ag3
sdegiad passau1inn st gotgM aoualln000 tie Si pue ` nnaJ Alan Jo 2oi
aq2 o1 siieJ got4M ssautddeq a st sr4I : 01 ands ICip req ueo sadoq 1aq [ 1no passolo—
ogs] 2egnn
sr ` oggndag alp o2 sao! mas pagstn8ugsip lapual o2 2nq `tc2tufLuiuoo alp Jo laquraw aige1gaidun
ue se uana 10 snoiorn a se papi 8a i aq 2ou III ags ` gonna rag pa2uasa rd s3uaurnoop aqi wag
eg s sru aqs - aotnlas otignd pagsin8ut2sip auros pa rapua r aneg pits suno3 klunog ag1 Jo
uoiuido
alp ut o4M loioo Jo* load pa2edtoueura gons o1 awls sig3 ut 8uturetua r jo a8aitnud alp
9
�68L 1
AulAl
61 `[
uosipel,j soured of [ gdjopue] Zl [ punwpn
1708T aunf b
papiooa.
i
pun
1708 T aunf Z PawP ` T 8 ( 908 T-£
amp
gag aag
sni3do &
ui3unn
a u!
08 T) L Moog paaU A3unoD oopuaH :aaanos
passa. idxa asog2
suosea. i ielnuis ioJ pue uewonn
Clu
p lun000n uo uew aag a pineQ jo Aauow ° quo ono gdiopuijj punuipg
Cq pied pung ui aw of s.rellop / Co po uoi1e1ap suoo ui puounlarg jo [IrfOJ,I MaapuV
cam
a /
1708T aunt' t
papioaal pue b081 aunt' Z PaieP ' 08 ( 9081-
1)
L yoog paaa Awnop oo« uaH : aa.rnos
umoil MaipuV
b08T aunfJo /Cep puooas
slip leas pun pun! icw. iapun uanu9 . u opaa.g lln31Cofua Hells pue apnluuas wog po 1egos p
Amu pun 1Claigua aq 3uawow Siii2 wag o4M ptneU pres ag2 aa.g 33as pun a3ediauewa
puowgorj jo I3I3 alp ui Susa r IlasAw pun prneu pres ag3 aq a8 311100 ICue ui panoid
aq o3 3sanba.J I ganinn ` leas pun ping Aw lapin Sui3UM Jo 3uawni2sur scg2 iCq op I `iauuew
anisua3xa sow age ui ssauisnq age a3aldwoa of `3a1C ` press loJe se ` siellop paJpung age uodn
pun ` met
le
Suig1ou
anbsu
o2 . red
uo agsap a uo papunoJ Si wopaag o3 34Su s, p neu
pres ag2 Su! Spainnou) loe 2uawru3sut snip , og2le Janoarow pue ` sasodind pue swam! lle o2
sag aq o2 pipet pres ag1 oieiaap 1gaiag op I `p! neU pres ag3 Jo iCauow alp wog gdlopuej
punwpg pies ag3 icq pred ping u! aw o3 sieiiop paipung auo Jo wns alp. roJ 2eg1 aAC mom'
MON ` presaioJe Xauow alp Kg awes ag3 a2palnnoure o3$ utlltnn duiaq I pue ` wopaa.g
o p neU pres ag33o 14Eu ag3 Fu! Spainnou) loe cq `a2nds p pres alp aims o2 ` smllop parpung
auo ow o2 Aed o2 ` p! neU pres aguuo agsap alp le ` Ow o3 pasodo. id g2eg gdlopueJ punwpg
pun ` wopaa.g sni JoJ aw msurae 3! ns a guUn2i1su Jo asodind ag2. ioJ `puolugom Jo AID alp
Jo ueuuaple ue ibsa iauienO lapuexaW o2 lureidwoo opew gieq p! neQ pres ag3 searagnn
pue ` anels /Cw sr `aauuas Aw u! eruigun u! 3da) 1 uaaq g1eg pue panuquoo g1eg ` awi3
Suunp pike(' plus age pue/ Cep sai3 o2 aau s Iona IClnueJ Aw g3 nn ap! sa.r o2 panui2uoa
WW1 pue ` ap! sa.i o2 pasodoid mil I an4M Z6L T iea,C ag1 u! g3leannuowwoD sig2 onu!
aneis a se pallodw I wo4M uew OISOU a prneU seaia4M ` s31.10sald asag2, Cq uaw lie Mou) I
lamp
r
PLOP c8L I - IaqW333Q TZ PaTeP ` T TZ ( L) }
98L T tienuef Z papioaai
loog pas j A2uno3 oauuaH Jo 2oer2sgv : aa.mos
ang- A lioJ po ° Se age loge paledtouewa anels a Joj noel, Cq pa gnbai
sai2np ag2 wlojiad o2 pasnuo rd gdiopueg pue plo sieo ang-1C of sem iCalmoD . puou gorj
L
�q! I 101103013011` 0£ i ' d` b9LI- OtL1 ` Moog lun000d 1oo31tl I1 UtElllmM : uollupunoJ
2mgsurnllllM
leluoio3` AJeigq Jaxoog` siaddd Ila^
9fLI laquialdag
LZ MEP` 6t- 917 • dd"
g' Ill '3` SSLI- 8£ LI ` log lunoaad lloMmg Z
y` anazvp viu18atA ` 9bLI laquloA0N
P! q! ` 9fLi isn2ny 8i powwo=
Pue SbLj lsn2nd
LI PoPJOaaJ p I
0£ MEP` 8£- L£(
9tLI 1sn8nd
OZ) sauoluanui
mu pm alelsa leuosaad s,uapmg Jo NES 91Li ` 61 Jaguialdas
li •, Coraol Jaq jo IJEd sE moo
01 MOM sp0000id agp` sanuis NB HOS o1 paplaap auo imp 3I • lllnt s, llapmg jo suual ag1012urpi000e wagp
Ilan Jo papuaqu! AN) wogM sails aqp daal pinoo uapmg Euensuu puE uapmg ic, Eys ' Si 3' lE panien
SUM` NIUOM pio uE` JCuua f Put of 7 ir panien sum uoi2uuioy mil pawn a1E1sa s,uap1ng 30 6Joluanut
9fLI lsn2nd aqs • JJEJA OJIMM sui of aseaJou! amin3 Jag pue, Cuuaf pauIEu mum E puE uo12UUJoj
pue shim itluno3 11OA aas •
agl 3o luau aounouui
sanEls ammo"!
a1I asneoaq souls alp Idol U UIOM Tog imp smEodd&
uutu awls s! q pagleanbaq
poling` Jalg8nep
s! q of gal oil moot souls ag101 uorplppE ui
uJanul s! q pE
lJonn at p gpinn padlaq( NM uaJpilgo puE` uawoM` uaUI ails pug aq lUgp aouapina log aqp s! mkt s, uapmg
jmEgoJd
agduxep
tIEJES .
aJ! Lgsdon[
c[
S puE
EJES— sOSL I alp tit slippy atom o4M sanrjs onni pug
6.. L.. I 7 • P£
Z• iooJigSrl = Ei[[ IM wag „
,
aag • q[ I 1 I oi„ puE [[ arming intro
@v 2Eat4MJo sjagsng SZ oZ„ : UJanU3 E Suiuutu SUM atjs 1Egi mow SSLI
ut apew [[ agdwe3 Imp sasego.md onnj ssauisnq
•
Suidaq tuanei alp of puE SJngswEq[ IM
of tunia.i of paptoap [[agdwt3 moptm aq1 •a;JaznD nrur8.lA at[i ui paounouuU
SUM alEisa [Euosiad gut)airs agi Ua4M ZSLI ` 17j isnSny a.topaq autpawos( SJngsJaiad
wag „ S 7 / j,
JEau) pJo,JpuE[ g of panow pug [[ agdwE3 Jammu pauiw uap1ng EUEiisug3
i LPL' Jagwo1daS ui satmjo isij Jag of pappE SUM a.ngsdon[ S
UEW. tall pue satE[ s aqi ida)[ EuEtistnl3 • AoESaj Jaq jo 3JEd sE iunoo of atom sp0000id
atli `sanEls aqi HOS of paptoap ags 3I •wagi Has .to sanEls ayi daa3j p[ noo EUEiisullD `[jinn
s‘ iiapJng Jo stuJai at[i Japufl • 0S 7 iE pan[ En atom uaipjlgo oMi Jag pue a[ jag lEgi pug
0j, 3 g1JOM SUM aJI4Sdon[ S try paiou awEisa s, iiapJng 30 ,cJoivanul 9i7L 1 JaqutanoN. ayy
Jatl3EJ Jaq wag/ bESaj E sr aj[ag of uioq uaJp[ ttjo [ EuoiiippE Aug pug ` p[ igo Jaq ` a[jag puE
autilsdon[ S pawEu UEW E paniaoaJ aqS ' 91L j 3o isf2ny pug LIEnUE f uaaMiaq paip oqm
Jadaa3j UJanE3 E ` upping 11110 f `Jag2EJ Jaq wogs sanEls pai! Jaqui iiapJng EUEiisin[ D
Ilagdtue3 ppapJng EUEiisu43 cq paump sanE[ S aqi inogy uoi2EwJoJul
iiaiooS [E0L1oisif EiuiSJ!A
SEZ£ SIJIZssNI ` 68L1
tARAI 61 `[
uosipuji
sawEr] of [ gd[ opuU] 21 [ punwp] g :aa.inos
1' g
A[ aWE 28 AjaJaouts ' ow SIA
stcEMjE Sutag ` aAJasaJ ino totm noA oI J[asAw
wosoqun of pa[ Ajgiidaoiadwt wE I ssa[ un `[iEiap still ui!M noA pajgnoii pig I Aqm nnotn[
iou op, c[ jEaJ I ing— wait Suip[ og 3o aoiisnfui agi inogU AiancuE Aut SutoSJapun inotl2IM
1no passo10— I a ta4M] scEp Atu pup Stith puE ` sanE[ s Au' a2Ed ouEWa pInogs I 'amp
ant[
p[ noo 12Etli punoJ 1 !
Jod '
aw
ui! M amid
p[ noM uoiinjonaJ Mau E ` asEo Imp
uI . a3Eisa cw wag Aauow astEJ of ajgE Suiag inotli!M Elgd[ apEjlgd iisin of pajjadwoo aq
I pjnogs ` jeuoissaJoJd SUtiliawos SuiidwauEJo i4Snotli Ajsnouas sawtiawos anEq I paapuj
8
�e! u! a!
MI ` sldlaoag pue siaua7 snoaueiiaosq
4(
9Z` LSZ: I
in8a7 rinnt
L66I ` ssard
slun000v :
i(
:
iapio3'
A jo
i(
Usian! un`,(
reign ut' mom Us!
I xog`• q- 00ff Bladed Ieuon1PPy
AIT»
d Honing L
alonb) SSt' Kt( oionb) SL£ ` OS£ `( alonb) 6££ ` 68Z
1! s.Jan! un uolaouud : uolaouUd) " SPA Z` 9Z81- Z9L I ''(
uvilaasryy pun spaooaJ
syoog
tunpunaotuap
r s, uosaa•;( a`"
spa` uourelS • j eton-I pue" if`asag •y sauref 9
q!' I
iaila3avoll` Z• 68 IA1 urigoloiur ° ssaa8uoD Jo, Lreagr ' IN 3`( ZLLI- OSLI) V ia8pa- I uol2uniseM a8.roa0 s
I9Li
SIBMIEf
61 poPlooai
Pue 09LI laquranoN
81 palep ` iI£-60£( 9) spvoQ
X101103 3I10A aas ` O9Li ` 81 JaquuanoN Sq 81 lo' I jo ued mum iiagdurej nnopIM aril MD UMOIDI Si lI ,
aipg io gem jo uos aql wog aneg
111211u(£
SLI ` L iago130 uo pazndeq) uopuoi • ueurom paneisu° sup lump uoneuuoju! luu1x3£ Iuo aril s!
ursndeq s, gereS • 9fLi u! gleap s! U Jo aura ag1 le arnisdoniS Immo mixing Imp. reap s! 1I • 1lapmg .. rfAl
o1 pa8uopq ogAt saneis atom angsdonis pue guns riloq imp palou gsued uolnia io; 3pop i( rlsan aqj s
L•
L9Li 30
iaquuaaaQ ui aae3 siul ssa.lp pue ainlns of Lunt palis! n um agioarj. iolaoQ pue luapiaae ue
pert°
Avis
sig, I, •L9L I
ui lla/smug sima7 wog moI[a3° Avis a pain[ [Iagduue3 mu umou1} I Si
II •s.103I.10m algenlen aq oI LiSnoua pp a.1am a ugsdoniS pue `And `uopuo-I `sO9L i aut130
pua alp Ag •siaulolsna. 1aq uo Iiem 0I& Coq mg pue uuanel. taut Ie ) I.1om ailsaullop aril pm
dpq oI sl.u3 mg aiedaid mom loam uuy wog pan! aaa.i uaaplirta anels IN mg Suiure.11
alp Iegl Iusnogl I[agduueJ sdeutiad • Ioogas Ae.1g mg Ie/ JeJfti pauiof AwIns pue AIIgs
69L i
Aienigal
Z9Li . 1aqulaldas
uI •
S9L I . 1aguuanoN in. 1aReM uuy 3o sluapnls a.iam i( 1eyAT pure SunoA
ui suossal papualle (
aft)
xis
a.
lnisdontS
pue `(
xis
one) '
aunt
Sy `(
ate)
uopuo7 • s09LI aql guunp Ioogns /CeJg alp of ua.1p[ iga ane[ s xis lugs [ Iagdwe3
uo «[[
n3 ui„ Z17• 0 3 Pug ` 9LLi ` 9. laquuaaau
t• 0 3 ` ILL i ` S i aunt
uo „
mg
u1.,,
uo
9•£
0 t• 0 3 [ Iagduue3
9• LLL I ` 0Z loquI000CI
t• 0 3 ` 9LLI ` 6Z JoquuanoN uo iCppol l03
pied
osle uosJa
jot ' ELL' ` I Joqu1100o
j
uo. lauuip. 03 9. 0 3 pug ! Cal `L Arysi uo „ Jauuip le qnp„. io3 co 3 ` ZLL I ` VI AvIAI
uo luaululel.ialua. io3 9. 0 3 ` t LL t ` 9Z. lagolap uo Iuauuuiel.ialua. 10; co 3 Ica
LL i `S i Am uo
qnp pue.
iaddns
smagdule3
l03 co 3 [ Iagdulwpaddil
oslg
pied
uosiajjaf sRWo4Z
OH • VLLl ` 9 Isnsnd 01 LSLI `£
s•
suoiseaao pianos uo sanels
kieniga3 wag Ilagduuej uuo.g
aag pieoq pue ` qnp `aaJJoa ` RuiSpo[ pue pieoq `p.ieoq `Srui po[ Jo3 [ Iagdule3 gugilsuq
pm slunoaae uieluoa g pue y wog nSpa- I s‘ uol.suiutseM • u.lanel aql 31 pakels oqm
sane[ s umo siq Jo3 pieoq agl pied. io Ilagduue3./Cq paumo sanels paddil lama uol2ulgseM
sluen.las `sanels ` sasuadxa„ lo3 0•S i• i 330 uuns aull. tau[ pied au[ uagm L SL t `£
Ienigaj
uo Iuauuutsilgelsa
Sloop b• SSLI ui Iaa.1IS
lalsaanolrJ3o aria uo 81 Io' I uo paleaol sem u.ianel smagdulleJ Trip a[ gissod s! II
smagduue3
Ie
paCels IsJr3
uol$
ui4seM°
E•
uauu
6
uo
paliem anvil Itlsiuu airgsdonis •
sasiog. 1lautl nip moo! pue
slauuolsna scjlagduue3. io3 sleauu aiedaid padlaq
�r
xoog samosa' EIUI2IIA 8uinuisug alp ul MIMEj,gStareu aql uo uorlaas MS El
fLLI IagUMAO
ILL!
Si ` I 9-09( 178LI- fLLI) t ioog IapIO Xluno0 xloA ZI
Iagola0 £ "
spa` uox1Q pee alpind` anazv f)vrur8.uA
ILLI iulAl 91 `' spa` uoxiQ puE agpind` allazv0 vrurXJZA of
1IEIq! 1
1011030313011`&
laded
6L 3` 9LLI- t 9LI ` Z IaBPol HoA11ng 6
69LI iudy LZ " spa` uoxIQ puu aipind` anazvJ vruiS.a4 8
op ol— Ifuu2N puE `
os
AouEN ' Allow ` AIIag ` i8y—
salywaj gnpE ang peg iadaax tinsel sell
3I ' BOLL I agl ui sllnpE
agl iEgl algissod si lI
slam
sO8L I
£i. wane
,
aql ui sang s IlagdwEJ sr palsq oqm sanyls
gSiairx alp uo siadaax agl pip uygl so/
wisp iagwnu
lallyws E Jo. IogEj aql uo papuadap IlagdwEj IEg2 slsanns aouapina &uinin.rS
zi• 087IEwiq
panfEn puE giyap
oI
paN paoualuas aoyad amp saoilsnf aqs •
ij inq puE Auolaj agiuo
Allies SEM ` gdlopuyg ego f of paSuolaq oqm anVIS E ` paN ligl papioaP Val `S I JagwanoN
uo
iauiuual pug laico uE JoJ saollsnf aqj
ualols uaaq peg slur uos. 4a43 Jo auo of Suiguolaq swatting puE saglolo. uagl& uiuiEluoo
slurul oml lEgl puE olui uwjoiq wag pug asnoq smagdwE3 • sgAl TEgl palou /cog'
3I. 10A a4I IE plaq
asno4Jno31Cluno3
aJJazvD vl42.1A aql Jo uoilipa uoxIQ puE aipand a4I ui luawas! uonpE uE paoyld ` umoig
llauuag puE JasEid uow! S ` slawolsno smagdWE3 Jo oml 117LLI ` Z. iagwanoN up
VLLI alEl ui wrap s‘ aiSuud. iauE iadaaal. iEq. iaglouE paint
aql ligl algissod si II •.iadaaal.
mopim
isoj
IEq E anE4 lou pip siadowi u.ianEl s( gingswE IIiMJo
• alguud
ugof paui u iadawl. iq E po oldwa aqs IEgi IoEj a4I si ssaoons smagdwE3
Jo uoi2Eoipui iaglouy loans ulalsEg Jo am Isya a4I uo slot om2 ioj pap E paniaoal
aqs tLL I A-1EnuE f uI •palEool sEm u ianyl lag aaagm slot aql Anq oI Aliunuoddo alp
Jo
afE3UEnpE )
amass.„
fool llagdwE3
mom
aqs 2Egl
i i•
Jog gum „ po pot Aliauuoj oqm uawallua9 agl 10J swoog
luawuIE2Jalug isaq Alan agl puE ` suoi3Epoww000y
poppy a4S «•
laaluaS uodn puadap Amu wolsnJ 1Iagl gum ow JnonEJ of amid oqm uawalluaD asogl
aiagm ` agora • snAl Aq paidn000 Alalyl ` IolidED a4I puigaq ` asnoll aql ui N BAyi„ Jag
pauado pEq aqs 3Egl oggnd aql pump! Ilagdure3 JEaA TEglpo iagoloO ui •Idal pEq iaq E
Swplinq sign of• I LL I Puy 69L I uaamlaq
JolidED alp pm loads u! Eui aql ui gSflOHgIddOD agl„ IE sEm IlagdwE3
lag IEg2
u
ianEl
agl pauiofpE puE gg c l0' I
uo
sEm
6•
ZLLI PuE
OUT ` 69LI ui ono uo maiJED wog maim puE sSog pasEgoind pin 'MAP)..ra4 alE.iado 01
oI sdEglad ` ssauisnq sag palEoolaJ*
mold iadaal = Am
panuiluoo IlagdwEa • ggc Io' I
sMs •
aqZ
s,
8„.
8i lo"I uo sum oqm aldoad mpg) auo SE IlagdwE3 uoiluaw lou pip Iuawastl.IanpE
Ilaglyg
puE ` asnoq
Iya. JS s .
ial1ED • JJA,,
uaamlaq dogs E pauado pEq ag
IEgI paounouuE `) Il0P0N wag ialioq dEos puE JalpuEgo E ` uolsw. y.iaaid iEaA Tripp Iudy
uI • 69L I Apra ' gun 81 lo'I uo ssautsnq Jag palElado IlagdwED IE4I icIo) IT.I si lI
0i
�88I- 981:(£
06I- Z06I) IX" Jos 1ST ` 4a4wn6(Cow pun wng11M ui ifnlnnonnaapunxaldfo! manor sl
9LL 1 laquiaoaU £ `
suos w Jo agpoi SmgsurgrlpM amp saltupiAl pi
51• ulanE3 s‘ S'relD •smi o3 aJ!M snl puE 10ElnvouN papalwP `Allow `lalgBnEp smagdIreD
uaLUUIE1la1ua ou angq I„
palamsuE mar pug `astn srp u! laSuE uE loJ uana ` q noua wows lou sr aoEJ ino1c
SCEs
of
sE
gonw
sE `
3! 3!
lduns
alginuE cures
aql
dn moo!
g3tm
ags «`• siEuoini
spa('
Jo
aq2) IiEUI o3 asmBsrp ui IanEi3 satugauros slaBuV ` UrepEynl ` su S Jo
apn4i3inui E sianoo iC3uego puE ` UrepEynl ` iC3UEgo aq pm 4 `.UrePEynl ` 3ualal noA cams
auo
snip. rod asoddns„ ( sasioH sp.! Ino ualui pEq uourolos
aull3 snl3
Ag
ioj) «aiag
papuEl Alirej air am sr Tug `Xluo aouglouB! o3 Ir a3ndun `uorsni3ur snip lod uopiEd
Bag
I `UIpEynl ` p,
13sEl
iv ! lagwoU
3uatumua3ua jo
lamsuE
o3
UuoJUisnu
auo IE
asnoq
E
wag anal am„ ` SCEs o3 g noua s34ds paianooai
p‘ dE2 I as)
ciao)!
Aas33ag „`. siLaA 01.1I0S. roJ Sou angq iou
ags ` auo3 paiauuE a lii Clan E g3! nn
luop I„ ` pagdai
ants
atup lag
a8 g3Eaiq Aur MEIp
3do3s ag ` uon njigoaads IEIIdEJ
E apEUI pEq I igSnoqp I •sn punore ` uazop E lnogE ` asnoH alp ut s‘ oiSau alp
am
IIE PEq
aUli3 snip iCg „`
wool snip u alp aim E 031etu o1 spry inoA jo auo lapio
sE pooB os aq noA HIM `UrepEynl ` auri3ueatu ag3 u! 78 `.AEM iCuE m000 sia3sicO.Jo
puoj Si ` spuels ags aiag ` aJ! M 1CUI `. ssnuE aq 3ou ll nn sia3sA0 MaJ E ` op pm `mEPENi
3las.moA. rod papinoid anEg noA Su glAuE ` UrepEJAJ ` aonr 30U On OM •aouanranuoour
ou aq lilts am adoq am `.UrepEJA ` noA g11M lauu! Q cjnuL3 E a3tel puE ! To oI
pEq am uoi3Euiloui alp 3s! sai Sou pinoo am `asnoH laa3uaB Ann E pia)! iCliaUuoJ noA
SuIMou) l a8 ` urepEyA3 `
ingsturgpM MOl4I Arm uo suiaq `Alagrl snip ioj iolodg
uE a)
o3
IEUI
3g$
no
I
jLUEprini— uraH impel/NI ` UIaH- d„ `.
raq 3s000E o3 paggo
gem I puE `3r ioj ui alaM am} ng `asnoH aq3 Jo 3no Aplej `asnoH ag3 Jo 3no glom am
p‘ gs! M I `2U14nu! Seal ag3 u aougiEadde la4 Jo Ind Aug ur Bunl3ou frogs ur taps
auo
ino3
Sou
o3 dn p‘ Malos gmnow
lnoge `
aiaM
aq3
iag
Bnd
dn
rung
aim
E`
fond 1cIJEnba as, ! ON pa.;
3lasinoic of airr2r3 - asnoH. raq uEg3 Bui3rnui wow
I inO •inoired Roo alp our/ fas33ag pal plug snip Aq peg
aas
o3
Addeg
3iEm
ou '
Jo anold&
aq ins am lag
jalag ang llagdurep • siyAl
a ninn
asou
UEUIoM plo aim
sNooi sAPEIP '
ui lag ioj Su
I ` aBussEd
`
Iou
saop
lot! pp I sr Ong • U! aUreo ags Ai3uasaid
Uuodu
kEld„ `
sE
saoigau
aq noA II' M„ „• saA„
uosiad
pianos ` paieadde
poo$
os
pm( };al
alp uo wool moo aSiui E `.aouEiLEadde loam i3anod ' Roo
E peg asnoH alp `.ur pa) ilEM as, pa3q 11E am ` sllagdurej • siini le sanlasino punod am
pa3ou iCEInEOEyn% •£ 8L I
A.reniga,d ui Singsuregi! M ui panulE /cagp uagM ssau!snq lag a3Elado Sou pip llagdureD
IEg
punoJ Rpm snl puE iCEInEOEynI
lapuExaW ` lanaMoH
yr•
3uaurgstigmsa lag jE lieg
angg o3 pauuEld suosEy' alp uagM 9LL i ui Ul3AE3 E Id031 llagdurep 3Eg3 UMou) l S! II
siauIo3sno lag l03 puE la3sEUI 4041 loJ spuEila um! Alggqoid sAoq
am pug S3AE1s qnpe alp diaq o3 sgof Hauls auop anE4 Ig8nu uaJPlrgo panElsua a4Z •Ul3AE3
alp jo suol3Ed ag3 Aq pauMo sasloq aq3 o3 pua3 of puE siauro3sno uo 3IEM o3 ` ainisdolgs
pue
II
ao
f `sajEUI oM3 peg anal pinoM liagdure3 •&
lpunEi puE ` SuruEalo `supl000 alp
�86L1
verugo
j S paptooai pim L6LI lagwaaaa
rnt
S PawP ` oc( Zo8I- L6LI)
d Moog poo
juno3 rntmni,(slods LI
iusianwn`,( m qE' I mummy ` ibcc# slduosntreyj sp rtioRi• g uoas
itn3o
LI.
91
L6L I ' 9 iagwaldaS uo SingswrlllrM u! Iuawnoop
aql pau8! s llassn21 wr! IIlM Pur ` a! uu! d wrlll! M `IIrIJ uosuryJJ uqo f `ut u9 u! gioo
palnoaxa aq llrgs paap aql sailnbai nnrl alp aiagnn
oo nods jo linoo aql oI alrog!Iiao slgl uan! S ` Isanbai su Ir anuq am ` lonpuoo
poo8 wed iaq. ioj `iaq alriaim of ialsrw iaq u! ailsap r wo.q puu mac Aug pur
AIioj uaannlaq aq of siraddr aSr aso4M urwoM Agllraq sno!ilsnpu! up s! aqs Irgl
ggspau
jo iciu !bag
oI
Su! Buolaq
awls
urwonn
oigau
/
CuurN gl!nn palu! rnbor
Bann air am Irgl Apiao &gaiaq op BingswrllliM3o slurl!grqui `siaquosgns alp am
Auowilsal
Bu! nnolloj aqI papnlou!
oslr uo!
lyd! ourwa jo poop aq j
«.
lonpuoo
pooS
Isrd iaq ioj„ AuurN paaij Apo `ialrl mac anti -ArQ un.urfuag ` Hopi- u!- uos s, nnopinn aqI
jo Aliadoid aqI awroaq AuurN glrap iaq 3o awtl aqI Ir `iuueN `awls auo lsral Ir paunno
Ilagdwe
' Z6L I ` SZ goiri i
uo
1cI! o Imp
u!
patp pup 8ings) louapa u
of
panow agS ' i 6L
ut awtlawos ' gun Bingswrlll! M u! panic llagdweD Mop!M au pup gas Iou pip slot a4Z
9t- 1aq loj palual auo aq HIM amp Nos s! asnoq lag j!suinlai ails
uagnn a8 Ino pain{ aq lllM IurM Iou saop aqs saoJSaN Irgnn Jag ioJ `Jo airo a) lrl Il!M
sinoggS! aN iaq kcal srq
aqs
sgu!
gl nnaJ InmM—
rpm wino f iaq nag AMU 4, iaglrann
pooS awq AMU aqs luri8 po9 Allag pn iaq gl!nn agrls aqI u! ) laaM [ gall!]
Ino las oI `Su! n!aoai Jo uollrloadxa u! s! aqs cauow awos slag aqs J! spualu! aqS
aloinn
aqS •
8ingslouapai3
u! Si
ck[
aqI I!s! n of Amino!' Sunuoodn
maglow_ gam Inogr Aga iazauagg ials! s iaq maim ` llassmi/ c1ejA ` ialggnrp smagdwr3
iraA awes alp jo iagwanoN ui •slol pug asnoq smagdwrpJo airs aqI paounouue
rasp;
Janpv Appall
anazWD nrur.S.aj aq1Jo anss! L8L I ` ZZ Anrucloa ags
Z1
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. July 22, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-07-22
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/82b919a736271f710dc0b3474897468e.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=E7FcjN-DfpUNvuvQCuWDN4lQ1S7Y-vY8m4p9p5hQYkSNscZ%7EO3rcCl2NxRj5MDWk4ie9clqdzZxl9rpBd1snggsFQo20sEEzv87e7iTDYKkdjpUX2XYfjtacCbj38pWmsvXaYYrXfjbEqQcKLmpsoWT8FV-VfRLX5mU0x6Vz%7ELF5nXqmFiIbjEKqvZNbF6uf5FtJwLqkMlwB4se0kUzOcKMkn9kCg2eAC0QVeXzvX4z8V-XggZt%7EJiJGNI3RujgVWe7BgcsVl%7EdfaAUKqjoVL5Fih9sS8sCHlBvKvFPQC5sZHpOZGFT1JsMSnROz-0f%7EEHsRGM0k49sZZ4SQZNJAlw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
fdb7fe2b9373d958fdadb914563c1a17
PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
June 24, 1999
The seventh issue of" The Network" contains the deeds of emancipation from George
Wythe to two his enslaved men, Ben and James, in 1797.
This issue also has transcriptions of four nineteenth- century documents. The first is a
September 1833 letter from Thomas O. Cogbill, the Clerk of James City County Court, to
James E. Heath, Esquire, the Auditor of Public Accounts. Cogbill informed Heath that
none of the free people of color in James City County wanted to be transported to Africa.
The lists of Williamsburg' s free blacks and mulattos that James Lee recorded in 1833 and
1834 follow Cogbill' s letter. Lee' s records provide details about family relationships and
the occupations of free people of color in Williamsburg. A comparison of Lee' s 1834 list
with the 1834 Williamsburg Personal Property Tax List (the four nineteenth- century
document in
this
issue of" The Network")
indicates that the majority of the women who
headed the city' s free black households did not appear on the personal property tax list
because they did not have a slave twelve years of age or older, a horse, or a riding vehicle
in Williamsburg.
George Wythe emancipated two slave men, Ben and James, in January 1797. Both of the
emancipations were recorded in Henrico County in February of the same year. Ben was
Wythe' s coachman in the 1760s and 1770s when he received tips from Thomas Jefferson.
James, also known as Jimmy, was the son of Rachel. Wythe taught Jimmy to write in
1791. See the section on" The Wythe House," pp. 420- 429 in the Enslaving Virginia
Resource Book for additional information about Ben and James ( Jimmy).
Know all men by these presents, signed and sealed this twenty fifth day of January in the
year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety seven, that I George Wythe of
the City of Richmond do set free my man Slave named Ben who is more than forty five
years old.
G:
Wythe
Witnesses
Wilson Allan
Peter P Blagrove
Reynolds Chapman
At a court held for Henrico County, at the Courthouse, the sixth of February 1797. This
Deed of Emancipation was proved by the Oaths of Peter P Blagrove and Reynolds
Chapman witnesses thereto and ordered to be Recorded
Examined
�2
Teste
Adam Craig C C
Source:
Henrico County Deeds ( 5) 201, dated 25 January 1797 and recorded 6 February
1797.
Know all men by these presents, signed and sealed this twenty fifth day of January in the
year of our Lord, One thousand seven hundred and ninety seven, that I George Wythe of
the City of Richmond do set free my man Slave named James who is more than twenty
one but not forty five years old.
G: Wythe
Witnesses
Wilson Allan
Peter P Blagrove
Reynolds Chapman
At a court held for Henrico county, at the Courthouse, the sixth of February 1797. This
Deed of Emancipation was proved by the Oaths of Peter P Blagrove and Reynolds
Chapman witnesses thereto and ordered to be Recorded
Examined
Teste
Adam Craig C C
Source:
Henrico County Deeds ( 5) 202, dated 25 January 1797 and recorded 6 February
1797.
September 18, 1833—
Letter from Thomas O. Cogbill, clerk of James City County Court,
to James E. Heath, Esquire Auditor of Public Accounts
After Nat Turner' s 1831 rebellion, several Virginia legislators, including Thomas J.
Randolph, Thomas Jefferson' s grandson, proposed plans for the emancipation of the
state' s slaves. The emancipationist legislators were able to force agreement from many
of their opponents that slavery was a dangerous institution that ideally should be
eliminated. Yet they shared with the defenders of slavery the conviction that Africans
could not coexist with Europeans in a state of equality, without society collapsing into
crime, anarchy, and race war. Overwhelmingly, therefore, Virginia' s emancipationists
returned to the plan of colonization, arguing that freed slaves should be returned to Africa
at state expense. In March 1833, the General Assembly passed a bill that appropriated
funds to transport free people of color to Africa. Six months later, in September 1833,
Thomas O. Cogbill informed the Auditor of Public Accounts that no free black man,
or child from James City County wanted to leave the county.
woman,
�3
t
Williamsburg Septemr. 18th 1833
Sir:
Agreeably to a request made some time since, the County Court of James City
made an order appointing several gentlemen to enquire among the free persons of colour
in said County, and, to ascertain if any of them were willing to accept of the provisions of
the act of assembly passed on the 4th: of March 1833 making appropriations for the
removal of free persons of
color&
Those Gentlemen
c....
have made no report to the
Court, but from what I have been able to learn from a majority of them, there is not one
free person of colour in the County of James City that is willing to accept of the
provisions of the said act of Assembly. I should have attended to this matter sooner, but
have been prevented by the negligence of those persons appointed by the Court to make
the necessary enquiries among the free persons of colour.
Your obedient
servant
Th: O. Cogbill Clerk
of James City County Court
Source: Auditor of Public Accounts, Miscellaneous Microfilm 1320- 1322, Library of
Virginia.
1833—"
A list of free negroes and mulattoes, within the city of Williamsburg"
This list contains the names of seventy- nine free blacks and mulattoes who lived in
Williamsburg in 1833.
A list of free negroes and mulattoes, within the city of Williamsburg, their names, sexes,
places of abode, and their particular trades, occupations or callings, taken by James Lee
commissioner of the revenue, in said City, for the year 1833.
Henry
Cook, farmer,
children,
Richard, James, Caroline &
Robert,
Lucy
2
Robert Jordan, m, carpenter, Beverley Rowsey, m, sh oemaker
Ann Rolison,
m, midwife,
child Rocktilda&
grand
children
6
Berryann and
5
Robert G. Jacquelin Lightfoot, m, plasterer
Hannah Banks,
Nancy
washer,
child
Jasper, old and infirm.
Henry.
3
George Mason, painter
Judy Reigensburg,
washer,
children
Sally
5
and William. William Yates, m, Barber
George Webb, old and infirm.
William
Bassett,
m,
shoemaker
2
�4
t
John Minor, farmer,
wife
Mary.
Renderson N. Scott,
John
Cassady, m, shoemaker, wife Jane, children
Anderson and Augustine. Tener, day labourer
William Debress,
Patsey
Fordice,
Peggy
Smith,
Zizi, baker of
Page,
cakes &
m,
Page,
Nancy,
Christiana,
m, washer,
m, seamstress,
Benjamin
White,
Lucy,
Patsey
m,
washer.
White,
m,
child,
William, John, James,
8
Henry &
children,
Adelade
labour with Mrs. Carr
at
3
2
washer
child Richard
Nelly,
child
Sally,
Mary. Suckey
m,
3
Judy. Mary
Isabella
Rolison,
children,
Peter and Martha
Alexander,
shoemaker.
washer,
Nanton,
3
m
John,
Sally Murray,
resides
3
Lightfoot,
3
m, washer
3
m, seamstress
Elizabeth, at Mrs. Murdaughs
Caroline &
children,
3
child Simeon
Charlotte.
4
2
and Sarah
Margaretta
children,
Ashy,
3
William and Sarah
m, washer,
seamstress,
m,
wife
children
wife,
Sophia,
Preston
Bates,
Sally
oysterman,
m, washer,
wife
children
m, seamstress,
Philea Magnorton,
Free
c.
Barrett, Ditcher,
Jeffery
Sally,
Patsey
m, seamstress,
m, washer,
Nelly Bolling,
Sally
shoemaker,
washer.
Daniel Roberts,
Judy
m,
m, shoemaker
3
Ann
Mary,
3
Elizabeth, & Jas
m, washer
at the Lodge
Henry
5
2
2
1
seamstress
Jas. Lee C C C W
79
Note. In the above list, the mulattoes are distinguished from the free negroes, by
the former having m subjoined to their names.
Source: Auditor of Public Accounts, Miscellaneous Microfilm 1320- 1322, Library of
Virginia.
�5
G
A list of free negroes and mulattoes, within the city of Williamsburg"
1834-"
This list contains the names of eighty free blacks and mulattos who lived in Williamsburg
in 1834. The brackets indicate parts of words that are torn on the original document.
A list of free negroes and mulattoes, within the city of Williamsburg, their names, sexes,
places of abode, and their particular trades, occupations or callings; taken by James Lee
commission[
o] f the revenue, in the said city, for the year 1834
er] [
William Debress,
wife,
shoemaker,
Sophia,
5
Adelaid &
Henry,
children
Catharine
Jeffery
Barrett, Ditcher,
Magnorton,
Aphilea
Henry,
with Mrs.
Hannah Banks,
Benjamin
Ann Rolison,
wife
washer,
Sally,
son
3
Clara
3
Simeon
2
Jacquelin Lightfoot,
Henry,
children,
Maria and
John Staves,
shoemaker.
Rocktilda Rolison,
midwife.
wife
carpenter,
child Charlotte
Reigensburg.
washer,
White,
Jordan,
Robert
Barber.
Yates,
William
2
plasterer.
4
Nelly
carpenter,
children
washer,
3
child William
Berry
Ann&
4
Ro. G.
Mary
Rolison,
Mary
Gayles,
Judy
seamstress.
washer,
William and
children,
Charles, Anna, William
children,
washer,
Carter,
Henry &
Sally
Thomas
4
5
Edward
Sa] lly
Murray,
Sa]
Page,
lly
washer,
washer,
child
child
Mary. Sucky
Lucy.
washer,
B] everley
shoemaker.
Rowsey,
Pa] tsy White,
washer.
William Bassett,
child William.
Isa] bella Lightfoot,
Nanton
Patsy
Nelly Bolling,
Thomas Lyons,
washer
3
shoemaker
3
Preston,
seamstress,
oysterman, wife
with Mrs. Carr
child
Polly
3
Mary
children
3
Polly
5
Kitty
Dandridge
Macon,
oysterman.
John Minor, farmer,
wife
Polly
3
�6
John
Cassady,
shoemaker,
wife
Jane,
William, John, James, Andrew,
children,
8
Augustine and Joseph
Smith,
Peggy
seamstress,
Renderson Scott,
children,
shoemaker.
Sarah and Margaretta
James Wallace,
3
2
shoemaker
George Webb, old and infirm. George Mason, painter
2
Zizi,
3
maker.
cake
B[ rid]
Ashy,
at service
get,
Christiana,
washer.
Free
Lucy,
with Mr. G. Jackson,
seamstress,
children,
washer
children,
James, Peter, & Sarah Ann
Martha Ann and Robert
4
3
Total
80
Jas. Lee C. R. C. W.
Source:
Auditor of Public Accounts, Miscellaneous Microfilm 1320- 1322, Library of
Virginia.
1834—
Williamsburg Personal Property Tax List
This list of 167 households includes just one household headed by a free black woman
named Zizi and
nineteen
free persons of
color.
�1834
Williamsburg Personal Property Tax List
4
Name
Black
White
Free
Males
Males
Over
16
Over
Slaves
Over
16
Slaves
Between 12
and
16
16
Horses,
Riding
Mules, Mares
Carriages
Colts
0
0
2
0
0
0
Anderson Leroy
1
0
1
1
0
0
Anderson Robert
1
0
7
1
3
2
Andrews John
1
0
1
0
0
0
Angel Thomas
1
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0,
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
4
0
1
0
3
3
1
0
L
Allen Elizabeth
Armstead Robert
H
Alexander
Bailey
Ball Farley
H
John
Barlow
Barrett
Jeffery
Bassett
Richard
1
Bassett
William
0
George
Bingley
2
W
1
Benjamin
Bishop
0
1
0
0
1
0
1
2
0
4
0
0
0
Edward
1
0
0
0
0
0
Bowden Mildred
1
0
4
0
1
0
Moreau
1
0
0
0
0
0
T
1
0
1
1
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
4
0
1
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
S
Bolt Elizabeth
Booker Richard T
Boulton
Bowers
Bowry
Bowry
James
Thomas
Bright Samuel F
1
Brooks Archer
Brooks
1
Richardson
1
Brooks William
0
1
0
3
0
0
1
0
1
0
1
1
Bucktrout Richard M
2
0
3
0
1
0
Byrd Addison L
1
0
6
0
1
0
Byrd Sally W
0
0
4
0
1
0
1
0
4
1
2
0
B
0
0
2
0
0
0
Lucious
1
0
0
0
0
0
Cassady John
0
1
0
0
0
0
Cheminant
Frances
0
0
5
0
0
0
G
3
0
7
0
2
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
5
1
2
1
4
2
Browne Dabney
Bucktrout
Benjamin
James
Cabaniss
Cary
Cary
Jane
Albert
Chewning
Christian
John A
Cogbill Thomas 0
1
Coke Richard Jur
Cole Jesse
Cole Matthew
E
W
Cole Roscow
0
1
0
10
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
8
0
2
2
1
0
6
2
3
0
Craig Nancy
0
0
1
0
0
0
Davis James
1
0
2
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
Delk William H
1
0
2
1
0
0
Deneufville
1
0
1
1
1
0
Coleman
Debress
Thomas
William
John
A
�1834
Personal
Williamsburg
Name
White
Free Black
Males
Males Over
Over
Deneufville John A Jur
Deneufville
Robert J
Dew Thomas R
Dodd William
E
Eleanor
Donnelly
Durfey &
Edloe
16
Property
Slaves
Over
16
16
Tax List
i
Horses,
Slaves
Between
and
16
12
Mules, Mares
Riding
Carriages
Colts _
2
0
1
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
_
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
2
1
0
8
3
4
1
Edloe
Henry
1
Edloe
William
1
0
7
3
12
3
Mary
Fitzhugh
est
Foster Frances
Galt Alexander
D
Galt Dickie
0
0
2
0
0
0
2
0
1
1
0
0
1
0
8
1
3
1
0
2
0
u
1
_
0
0
0
1
0
0
Garrett
Richard R
1
0
0
0
0
Garrett
Robert M
1
0
3
1
4
2
Graves
Joseph
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
3
0
4
1
2
1
0
3
0
1
Hansford Charles
1
0
1
0
0
Hatton Washington
1
0
0
0
0
Henley Harriet T
1
0
7
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
Hubbard Augustine C
1
0
1
0
1
0
Hubbard Richardson
1
0
4
1
1
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
1
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
Galt
Mary
A
A
Gregory John M
Griffin Samuel S
James
Guthrie
Hermonson
Matthew T
0
_
0
0
_
3
_
1
_
_
0
_
0
_
1
0
J
Hubbard
Walker
Hutchings John W
Jackson
George
Jackson
William
W
0
_
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
Johnson William D
1
0
0
1
0
0
Jones
0
0
3
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
Lee Higginson W
2
0
1
0
0
Lee James
2
0
3
1
0
0
Lee William H
2
0
1
1
0
0
0
Jenkins
Elias
Scervant
Robert
Jordan
Lark Robert
Lawson
James
S
0
_
0
0
_
0
Lightfoot
Jacquelin
0
1
1
0
0
Lindsey
Edward B
1
0
0
0
0
Lindsey
Thomas
1
0
0
1
0
Charles
1
0
1
0
1
Lucas Thomas C est
0
0
1
0
0
Lyons Thomas
0
1
0
0
0
_
0
0
1
0
0
0
_
0
1
0
1
1
0
_
0
Martin John D
2
0
0
1
1
Mason David
4
0
4
2
3
Lively
Macon
Dandridge
Mahone James
M
0
_
0
0
0
_
0
0
_
�1834
Williamsburg Personal Property Tax List
i
Name
Mason
George
Maupin John
M
W
McCandlish George
Riding
Carriages
Males
Males Over
Over 16
16
0
1
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
3
1
1
0
10
0
3
0
1
1
Robert
McCandlish
Horses,
Mules, Mares
Free Black
1
Mccalester Alexander
Slaves
White
0
0
Slaves
Over 16
Between
and
16
12
Colts
McGill Martha
0
0
5
2
0.
0
Miller Ann
0
0
2
0
0
0
Minor
0
1
0
0
1
0
M
1
0
2
1
0
0
Moore Summersett
1
0
0
0
0
0
Moore Susan
0
0
0
1
0
0
Morrison
0
0
3
0
2
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
1
1
John
William
Moody
est
George
George F
Morrison
Mounfortt
Sally
Murdaugh
0
B
Lucy
1
Page John
Delilah
Palmer
Pamplin William
Peachy Mary M
Peachy Thomas
G
Madison
Pettis
Pierce Edward J
0
0
3
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
15
1
3
1
1
0
5
1
1
1
1
0
2
0
2
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
Provoo Clara
0
0
2
1
0
0
Provoo Diana
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
10
0
2
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
2
0
1
0
2
Henry
Pierce
W
Mary
Reiginsburg
0
Repiton Eliza
Richardson Robert
G
2
0
Roper Nancy
0
Rowsey Beverley
0
0
0
1
Sands
Johnson
3
0
Sands
Thomas
3
1
0
1
0
0
Saunders
Robert
1
0
5
0
2
1
Saunders
Robert Jr
1
0
2
0
1
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
N
0
1
0
0
0
0
Snr
1
0
6
3
4
2
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
6
0
1
1
4
1
1
1
0
0
Margaret
Scellen
Scott
Renderson
Semple
James
Robert
Shelbum
Sheldon &
Smith
1
Jacob C
Sheldon
Shield
Maupin
0
Mary
Peggy
Southall Albert
Spencer
Staves
Stewart
Stores
W
George
Southall
Hannah M
Ferdinand S
William
0
0
1
0
1
0
6
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
John
H
0
0
0
2
0
2
0
0
0
1
0
0
2
0
2
0
1
�1834
Personal
Williamsburg
Name
Black
White
Free
Males
Males Over
Over
16
Property
Slaves
Over 16
16
t
Tax List
Slaves
Between
and
16
Horses,
12
Mules, Mares
Colts
0
0
1
0
0
Tabb Robert
3
0
2
1
2
Taylor
1
0
7
2
4
E
Sweeney Mary
Henley
Taylor Robert
Riding
Carriages
0
_
_
1
0
1
0
1
0
0
2
0
2
1
1
1
0
0
6
0
2
2
1
0
0
0
0
_
0
1
0
0
0
0
_
0
1
0
4
0
0
Wallace James
0
1
0
0
0
Waller Benjamin
1
0
3
1
2
1
Waller Littleton T
1
0
4
1
1
0
Waller Robert P
1
0
8
0
7
Waller William
1
0
7
1
3
Ware
1
0
0
1
1
R
——
0
J
Travis John
D
Tucker
Lelia
Turner
Lawrance
Vaiden Robert
Vest
William
J
W
Leigh
0
_
0
2
_
_
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
—
0
Wicker William
1
0
1
0
0
—
0
Williamson John G
1
0
0
0
0
_
0
Wilmer William P
1
0
0
0
0
Wilson
0
0
1
0
0
_
0
0
1
1
1
2
—
0
0
2
0
56
127
44
Yates
George
Elizabeth
William
Zizi ( a free woman of
0
0
138
19
—
0
0
White Benjamin
Webb
0
colour)
TOTAL
350
_
_
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. June 24, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-06-24
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/a677486f384659359e7a421d41137dcd.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=V1q2bxhQe6Jk8jDK5FtTFN8U0a8pOraTE-LT5CgNTyHTH6dXulbINKEu-yOxzoeb5%7EuC9cDtmyF7%7E9fFj2UvfghLN9SrE3cA8liZhfCOCUN58Z07bfMApo0IyLuQabWzHRcHNqAVS-rY20uf%7E6zRlRc8mNFFb4orl%7EFo5XsRa023LkzXHLnzuxUDFJPQoNppcHMpVKy9VgDQTtzuLAT3HmgB7bd7Mh4LVpRE7oStN6C-oyBNRpg1Md9r1OA95I7EdPJISWqmFgsF672MR4bfIq%7E%7ETVxDgs4OptsOek69-RVeEQ7iz6oTx%7EAkDAczN2QAvSqE3kx6EcUqoIJbiHIBuQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
cabd621ec4db0f5f28991fb3da54c4c5
PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
June 3, 1999
The sixth issue of" The Network" contains answers to questions about material in the
Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, questions raised during the Enslaving Virginia
Training in January and February, and requests for additional information. Future issues
of" The Network" will also feature answers to questions about the Enslaving Virginia
Resource Book and matters raised during training classes.
May
18, 1736
Governor Gooch Responds to the Lords Commissioners ( Enslaving
Virginia Resource Book, pp. 121- 122)
Governor Gooch addressed his response to Alured Popple, secretary for the Board of
Trade and Plantations.
The Board of Trade and Plantations
consisted of seven members.
They advised the Secretary of State ( who was a member of the Privy Council) about
colonial matters.
The Randolph House ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 396- 405)
Peyton Randolph bequeathed his personal slave, Johnny, to Edmund Randolph in his will
Enslaving Virginia Resource Book pp. 621- 622).
John Randolph did not take any of his slaves to England when he left Virginia in 1775.
On August 25, 1775 Randolph conveyed his estate, real and personal, to three trustees—
Randolph, John Blair, and James Cocke— who were authorized to sell the
Peyton
property in order to pay his debts. This document included the names of thirteen slaves:
Betty, Betsy ( the daughter of Betty), Esther, Miles ( the son of Esther), Amy,
Kitty, Sally, Lucinda( the daughter of Sally), Molly, Scilla, Johnny, and Troy.'
Dinah,
Randolph left for England on September 8, 1775. 2 On October 14, 1775, the trustees
informed readers of the Virginia Gazette about the sale of John Randolph' s estate during
The clerk of James City County recorded Randolph' s deed of trust to Peyton Randolph, John Blair, and
James Cocke on August 11, 1777. Southall Family Papers, 1807- 1904, Manuscripts and Rare Books
Department, Swem Library, College of William and Mary. See also Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 25
August
2
1775.
Virginia
Gazette,
Purdie,
ed., 8 September
1775.
�2
the next meeting of the merchants. The estate included " his late DWELLING- HOUSE
within the said City, and of the LAND adjoining; of several very valuable Family
Servants,
and
a
variety of Furniture."
On November 8, 1775, John Blair and James
Cocke, the surviving trustees, announced a change in the date of the sale when they noted
that " The attorney general' s slaves and household furniture, which were advertised for
sale at the next
meeting of the merchants, will be sold the 25th day of this month." The
date for the sale changed one more time; on November 28, 1775 Blair and Cocke noted
that Randolph' s estate would be sold on December 11 th of that year.'
In July 1777 Blair and Cocke informed readers of the Virginia Gazette that they were
anxious to settle the Attorney General' s affairs. They requested " all persons indebted for
goods bought at the sale to make immediate payment, the bonds having been due some
time; and such of the creditors as have not already done so are requested to give in their
claims, without loss of time."'
The Mary Stith House ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 409- 410)
Mary Stith died between December 15, 1813, when she wrote her will, and March 25,
1815, when her executor, Robert Anderson, presented her last testament in court. The
full text of her will follows.
In the name of God, Amen, I Mary Stith of the City of Williamsburg being weak
in body but in perfect sense and memory, do make and ordain this writing as and for my
last Will and Testament, hereby revoking all wills by me heretofore made. There being a
sufficiency of my estate for payment of all just debts due from me, it is my desire that
there be no appraisement of my property. It is my will and desire that all my just debts be
paid. My estate which consists of my houses and lot in Williamsburg, and of two debts
which are due to me, the one from Richard Randolph and the other from Robert
Greenhow, I dispose of in manner and form following, to wit: All the coloured people in
my family being born my slaves, but now liberated, I think it my duty not to leave them
destitute nor to leave them unrecompensed for past services rendered to me. As in the
cause of humanity I can do but little for so many, and that little my conscience requires
me to do, therefore I subject the whole of my estate to the payment of my just debts, and
to the provision which I herein make for them. I give and bequeath my dwelling house
and lot to Jenny the mother of the family, together with all the furniture as it now stands
in the room below stairs, and one third part of all the other goods and chattles and
wearing apparel as they stand in my dwelling house at my decease, the whole there of to
her and to her heirs and assigns forever. Moreover I give and bequeath to the said Jenny,
Virginia Gazette, Dixon, ed., 14 October
1775;
Gazette, Pinkney, ed., 30 November 1775.
4Virginia Gazette,
Purdie, ed.,
18
July
1777.
Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 10 November
1775;
Virginia
�3
out of the interest accruing upon the debts due to me, the sum of twenty pounds per year,
until my executor shall pay to her the sum of one hundred pounds. I recommend to the
said Jenny to take her two grand daughters Jenny Gillet and Patty Gillett under her
protection in consideration of which I bequeath to her five pounds more per year for each
of them during her lifetime. I give and bequeath to the said Jenny Gillett and Patty Gillett
jointly, my house in the yard called the tin shop, together with the other two-thirds of my
wearing apparel before mentioned to be divided between them as they shall agree with
themselves, to them and their heirs and assigns forever. To the said Patty Gillett I give
and bequeath my bed and bedding, together with my chairs, press and dressing table. I
give to the said Jenny Gillett twenty five pounds, and to the said Patty twenty five pounds
to be paid them by my executor when he can conveniently do so. I give to Peter Gillett
the sum of ten pounds to help him in his trade. I give and bequeath to Nelly Bolling and
her two sisters Eve and Sally, my house on the main street called Woods shop, with the
use of the yard to be held by them in fee simple and by their heirs and assigns forever. I
give to the said
Nelly Bolling Fifty
pounds—
to the said Eve and Sally twenty five pounds
each, and I give to the three the sum of five pounds per year until they shall receive from
my executor the aforesaid sum, which he will pay them when it is convenient for him so
to do. I give to Benjamin White Thirty pounds, and to Beverley Rowsay Forty pounds. I
give to Rachel White Twenty pounds, and to her sister Fanny White Twenty pounds. I
give and bequeath Mary Randolph wife to David Meade Randolph my diamond locket
that she now has in possession. I give and bequeath to Mrs. Tucker wife to St. George
Tucker, my watch. I give to my good friend Robert Greenhow a ring of the value of six
pounds. I give to my friend Miss Sally Anderson a gold watch of one hundred dollars
value. I give to my Rt. Reverend friend John Bracken the sum of twenty pounds. It
being necessary that some person should be empowered to perform the act of my burial,
which I desire may be done agreeably to the common custom. I do hereby authorize such
person or persons to call on my executor to discharge all debts contracted on that account.
As I have outlived all those persons whose duty it would have been to perform this
indispensible act, I hereby authorize and appoint my kind friends Sally Anderson and
Rachel Anderson
to perform
that act:
and for that purpose I give and bequeath to them
the sum of one hundred pounds to be equally divided between the two. It is my desire to
be buried in the Southeast corner of my garden, and in a mahogany coffin without any
ornaments thereon. I give to William White the sum of Ten pounds. I give to my friend
and neighbour Mr. Robert Anderson the sum of one hundred pounds, and I do moreover
appoint my said friend Robert Anderson to be my sole executor. All the residue of my
estate undisposed of I hereby give and bequeath to my relation Jenny Westwood daughter
of William Westwood deceased, late of the town of Hampton, to be enjoyed by her and
her heirs and assigns forever. In Witness whereof I the said Mary Stith have hereto set
my hand and affixed my seal this 15th day of december 1813. Signed and sealed and by
the said Mary Stith acknowledged to be her act and deed before us
George Jackson, W. Browne
Source:
Robert Anderson
Papers,
Colonial
Williamsburg
Foundation.
�4
The Wigmaker( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 417- 418)
There is no direct evidence that Richard and Edward Charlton were brothers. However, it
is likely that these two men were relatives. Richard Charlton and his wife named two of
their children after Edward and Jane Charlton( there is no evidence that Edward and Jane
Charlton had
children).
Second, Edward and Jane Charlton conveyed Lot 22 to William
Trebell in trust for the heirs of Richard Charlton in October 1779. 5 Richard Charlton died
on September 27, 1779.
1799—
Death of George Washington ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 511- 512)
George Washington wrote his will on July 9, 1799. Washington' s will was probated on
January 20, 1800 in the Fairfax County Court.'
It is possible that Martha Washington did think that the slaves who lived at Mount
Vernon would poison her after the death of George Washington. Mechal Sobel writes
that" George Washington' s last will and testament also promised his slaves freedom after
his wife' s death. This was certainly an aggressive act toward his wife. Indeed, she found
that she could not live with the fear of their taking her life and decided to free them
within
one
year of his death."
Sobel notes that Abigail Adams visited Martha
Washington in December 1800, a year after her husband' s death. On December 21, 1800
Adams wrote a letter to her sister.
Adams reported that Washington' s estate
is now going into decay. Mrs. Washington with all her fortune finds it difficult to
support her family, which consists of three hundred slaves. One hundred and fifty
of them are now to be liberated, men with wives and young children who have
never seen an acre beyond the farm are now about to quit it and go adrift into the
world without horse, home, or friend.
Mrs. Washington is distressed for them.
At
her own expense she has cloaked them all, and very many of them are already
miserable at the thought of their lot. The aged she retains at their request; but she
is distressed for the fate of others. She feels a parent and a wife. Many of these
who are liberated have married with what are called the dower Negroes, so that
they quit all
their connections—
yet what could she do in the state in which they
at her death? She did not feel as though her
by
life was safe in their hands, many of whom would be told that it was their interest
to get rid of her. She therefore was advised to set them all free at the close of the
were
left
the
General,
to
be free
year.
York County Deeds( 6) 207- 208, dated 13 March 1784 and recorded 17 May 1784.
6 John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Last Will and Testament of George Washington and Schedule of his
Property, to which is appended the Last Will and Testament of Martha Washington, 5th ed., [ Mount
Vernon,
Va.]:
The Mount Vernon Ladies'
Association
of the Union,
1982.
�5
Martha
Washington
freed the Washington
slaves
on
January
1,
1801.
According to the
terms of Washington' s will, his estate paid pensions to his former slaves until 1833.
Martha Washington' s dower slaves became the property of her grandchildren after her
death on May 22, 1802.
Mechal Sobel, The World
Sources:
Eighteenth-
Century
They
Virginia, ( Princeton:
Made
Together:
Princeton
Black and White Values in
University
Press,
1987),
pp. 153, 287
n. 76; James Thomas Flexner, George Washington: Anguish and Farewell ( 1793- 1799),
and Toronto:
Boston
Mount
Vernon
Ladies'
Little, Brown and
Company,
1969),
p. 446; Mary Thompson, The
Association.
Biography of Matthew Ashby in The Ashby Family Biography ( Enslaving Virginia
Resource Book, pp. 603- 605)
Note: corrections in bold type
In the autumn of 1770 a runaway slave advertisement for Sam in the Virginia
Gazette " forewarns all persons" that Sam " pretends to lay claim to freedom, and is now
harbored at one Matthew Ashby' s" suggesting that Ashby was in contact with the larger
African- American community.'
Biography of John Hope ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 618- 619)
Robin Kipps of the Galt Apothecary points out two mistakes in the biography of John
Hope. First, at the end of the second paragraph on page 618, is the statement that Hope
passed to Dr. Benjamin Calton Junior in 1749 and that he might have picked up the
medical side of barbering from his new master. The problem is that the barber- surgeon
guild of London separated in 1745. While there was a reference to a barber- surgeon in
Williamsburg in the early eighteenth century, the staff of the Galt Apothecary Shop has
not found any references to barber- surgeons in Williamsburg in the mid- to lateeighteenth century.
The second problem is that the biography states Hope might have learned about
bleeding to restore the humors. While it is doubtful that Hope practiced the medical side
of barbering, a professional doctor did not teach the theory of humors in the mid- to lateeighteenth century. By this time doctors used bleeding to treat inflammation and
inflammatory fevers. Galen' s theory of the humors was long gone as part of professional
medicine.
Virginia
Gazette,
Purdie and Dixon, eds., 25 October
1770.
�6
Additional Information about Thomas Jefferson' s slave Jupiter, 1743- 1800 ( See
biography of Thomas Jefferson in the Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 621.- 622)
One of the goals of the Getting Word Oral History Project at Monticello is to bring the
African- Americans of Monticello and their descendants into clearer view. Cinder Stanton
shares this information about one such person.
In 1743, two children were born at Shadwell, a newly opened plantation on
Virginia' s frontier. They may have played together as boys, and, as young men, they
traveled the length and breadth of Virginia together and found wives on the same
plantation near Williamsburg. For over fifty years their lives were bound together by
law, for one man, Jupiter, was considered the property of the other, Thomas Jefferson.
Jupiter, whose last name may have been Evans, acted as Jefferson' s personal
servant and traveling attendant during the years of Jefferson' s law study and practice. In
1774, when the Hemings family came to Monticello, Jupiter took up a new position as
coachman, with responsibility for the fine horses in the Monticello stables. He also
apprenticed to a local stone cutter, William Rice, with whom he worked to shape the
cylindrical blocks of stone that form the columns of the Monticello entrance portico.
We recently learned of another monument of Jupiter' s making. Hired by Rice,
Jupiter worked for eighteen days on the oldest grave marker in the Charlottesville
cemetery. The smoothly chiseled 3 by 6 foot gravestone dates from 1778.
Jupiter' s wife Susan, or Suck, was a cook, and their son Philip was, like his father,
a skillful handler of horses. In the War of 1812, Philip Evans accompanied Jefferson' s
son- in- law Thomas Mann Randolph to upstate New York. Left with the colonel' s horses
at Sackett' s Harbor while the army proceeded down the St. Lawrence River, Evans made
the 100- mile overland journey alone and safely delivered the horses to Randolph at the
army' s winter quarters across the river from the free soil of Canada.
Susan Scott, probably Jupiter' s granddaughter, was taken to north Alabama in
1846 by Jefferson' s great- grandson William Stuart Bankhead. Descendants of both
families still live in the same community 150 years after leaving Virginia.
Source:
Cinder Stanton, " A Clearer View,"
2 Issue #
in Getting Word: The Newsletter, Volume
1, Spring 1998.
Biography of William Pasteur( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 626- 627; see also
The Apothecary, pp. 255- 260)
William Pasteur' s mother was Martha Harris, the second wife of Jean/ John Pasteur.
wife was Elizabeth Stith, daughter of the Reverend William Stith.
sister
was
Mary
Stith.
His
Elizabeth Pasteur' s
�7
Biography of George Wythe ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 636- 637)
Note: corrections in bold type
Wythe was admitted to the bar when he was twenty and practiced law with Zachary
Lewis who was a prominent lawyer in Spotsylvania County. In 1747, he married Lewis'
daughter, Ann.
Information about Slaves Who Worked as Gardeners
This section contains information about Lancaster who worked at the Palace during
Francis Fauquier' s tenure as Lieutenant Governor, the enslaved men who tended the
Palace Gardens during Lord Botetourt' s administration, and a gardener whom Thomas
Jefferson hired to work when he was Governor of Virginia.
Lancaster
In 1768 Lancaster asked Christopher Ayscough to purchase him from the estate of
Governor Francis Fauquier. The two men had worked together as gardeners at the
Governor' s Palace. Ayscough and his wife were two of Fauquier' s white servants.
Perhaps Lancaster and Ayscough developed a friendship based on the type of work that
they performed at the Governor' s Palace. Ann Ayscough received £ 250 for her" Fidelity
Attention" and her economy in managing the kitchen at the Palace from Fauquier.8
Ayscough probably used part of his wife' s legacy to purchase Lancaster, a slave woman
named
Lucy,
and five
other
slaves.
He also bought a house and lot on the James City
County side of Williamsburg. In October 1768 he announced that he had opened a tavern
faced the south side of the Capitol. 9 Lancaster probably tended the garden on
that
Ayscough' s lot. It is possible that he served food and drink in addition to looking after
the horses that belonged to his master' s customers.
Ayscough decided to leave the tavern
keeping business in 1770. In September of that year he informed readers of the Virginia
Gazette of his decision and of the sale he planned to have at his house on the 27`h of that
month. Ayscough noted that he would sell " nine Negroes, one an exceeding good cook
a fellow who is a fine gardener." 10 There is no information about the person
who purchased Lancaster at Ayscough' s sale.
wench, and
York County Wills and Inventories( 21) 396- 404, dated 26 March 1767 and recorded 21 March 1768.
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 6 October
10
Virginia Gazette,
Purdie and Dixon,
eds.,
1768.
20 September
1770.
�8
Enslaved Gardeners at the Palace During Lord Botetourt' s Administration
Silas Blandford managed the people who worked in the third service area at the Palace—
the stables, the coach house, the garden, the park, and lands. Like William Marshman
and the cooks, Blandford supervised the labor of white servants, black slaves, and free
persons of color. The permanent staff included Thomas Gale, a coachman and carter;
James Simpson and James Wilson, the gardeners; a blacksmith named John Draper;
Joshua Kendall, the carpenter; and a groom by the name of Samuel King. Draper,
Kendall, and possibly Gale also worked as waiters when Marshman needed extra help in
the Palace.' 1
Marshman' s accounts indicate that James Simpson supervised
the slaves whom the butler
hired to work in the Palace Gardens, Park, and Lands. In March and April of 1769
Marshman noted
and Tom—
paid at least four of the gardener' s men— Bacchus, Will, Jack,
for work that they performed in the Palace. Marshman did not include the
that
he
name of the slave who labored for him on two occasions. The butler needed additional
assistance to get the Palace ready for spring or for the ball that Botetourt gave on May 19,
1769 to celebrate Queen Charlotte' s birthday.
In addition to Bacchus, Will, Jack, and Tom, James Simpson( and later, James Wilson)
oversaw the slaves who worked at the Palace for a few days, a few months, or a year.
John Randolph' s gardener worked at the Palace for two days in April of 1769. Mrs.
Wray' s July 1769 bill of£ 5. 1. 8 for men in the garden suggests that two of her enslaved
men tended plants in Botetourt' s garden for several months. It is likely that Abraham
hired from William Presson), Ben, Billy ( hired from Sarah Crawley), Lewis ( hired from
Mary
Tabb),
and Nat( hired from Grissel Hay) labored under the direction of Simpson
and Wilson. Billy and Nat probably returned to their owners' homes at the end of the
day, since the widow Crawley lived near Williamsburg and Grissel Hay made her home
in a dwelling on Market Square. William Presson and Mary Tabb were residents of
Charles Parish and it is likely that Abraham and Lewis slept in the stables, the coach
house, or an outbuilding. The contents of a" Small Room Adjoyning to Poultry
1 Old Mattrass"
House"—"
over
the
and " 2 Old Blankets"— suggests that the slave who watched
livestock and poultry used
this space
for sleeping.
12 This enslaved laborer, like
others who did not come into daily contact with whites who visited the Palace, probably
who tended crops on plantations.
13 These
wore clothing
similar to that worn by slaves
Hood, The Governor' s Palace, pp. 250, 253.
12 Ibid., p. 30.
11 The first store room at the Palace contained material at the time of Botetourt' s inventory.
have used the"
2 p[ iece] s Oznabrigs"
and the"
37 yds Oznabrigs—
76&
V. do [ ditto]"
A tailor might
to make shirts or
summer suits for the slaves who worked in the Palace Stables, Coach House, Garden, and Park. The
material
might
have been
used for
slave
bedding.
The"
8 V. yds brown
Holland— 5 1/2 yds printed Cotton—
1 Woman' s Cotton Gown" in the store room might have been for Sally, the laundry maid. The" 26 pr plain
Negroes
Shoes"
were
for the bond laborers
who
worked
outside.
Hood,
The Governor'
s
Palace,
p. 290.
�9
slaves also had fewer opportunities to earn tips than did the enslaved men and women
who worked in the Palace.
James, a slave belonging to the estate of Carter Burwell, worked in the Palace Gardens
during Botetourt' s administration. William Nelson, Burwell' s executor, also hired James
to Governors Fauquier and Dunmore. James was a skilled gardener who had the
privilege of tending some land on his own time. On October 12, 1769, Marshman paid
him for fifty-eight pounds of hops at one shilling per pound. He received forty- four
shillings from Botetourt' s butler for forty- four pounds of hops on September 7, 1770.
Nathaniel
Burwell hired James to Carter Burwell
in 1774 and 1775, and
to Captain
Thomas Lilly in 1776. James was at Carter' s Grove from 1783 to 1786. 14
Enslaved Gardeners at the Palace During Lord Dunmore' s Administration
The claims that John Ferguson, the public gardener, submitted to the Committee of Safety
indicate that slaves ( both Dunmore' s and those whom Ferguson hired) continued to work
at the Palace in the first half of 1776. On February 16, 1776, the Convention ordered the
Commissary of Provisions to deliver rations to Ferguson for himself and" the slaves
employed in
the
Publick
The gardener also received £ 7. 15. 8 to cover his
service."
expenses. On April 9, 1776, the members of the convention gave Ferguson a warrant" for
18. 16. 5
services
presented
his
and
account
negro
hire in
the
of£ 16. 8. 4 " for
Palace Gardens."
negro
hire and
Two months later Ferguson
attendance, &
c., in the Palace
Garden as public Gardener." 15
Enslaved Gardener Owned by Joseph Prentis
Thomas Jefferson hired a gardener from Joseph Prentis while he served as Governor of
Virginia. On December 20, 1779, Jefferson noted that he " Pd. Mr. Prentis for hire of
gardener£ 27- 12."
16
Unfortunately, Jefferson did not include the name of Prentis' s
enslaved gardener.
1831 to 1832 Session of the Virginia Legislature
Prohibits
White Men and Women From
Teaching Slaves and Free Blacks to Read and to Write
In the wake of Nat Turner' s 1831 rebellion, a number of Virginia legislators, under the
14 Burwell Ledger( 1773- 1779), pp. 22, 48, 90( transcript); James City County Personal Property Tax Lists
1783
to 1786.
is Calendar ofState Papers, 8: 85, 159, 193.
16 James A. Bear, Jr., and Lucia C. Stanton,
Records
and
Miscellany,
1767- 1826, 2
eds., Jefferson' s Memorandum
vols.,(
Princeton:
Princeton
Books.
University
Accounts,
Press,
1997),
with Legal
1: 489.
�10
leadership of Thomas J. Randolph, Thomas Jefferson' s grandson, proposed plans for the
emancipation of the state' s slaves. The state' s representatives ultimately rejected that
option in favor of new restraints on slaves and free blacks. Free blacks were denied the
right to trial by jury. Both free blacks and slaves were forbidden to preach or lead
religious meetings. For the first time, the legislators decided to prohibit white men and
women from teaching slaves and free blacks to read and to write. A white person who
taught a free black could be fined up to $50 and imprisoned for up to two months. The
fine for teaching
Only
four
states—
a slave
to
read
or write
was
between $ 10 and $ 100.
Virginia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Georgia—
prohibited
whites from teaching slaves to read in the last thirty years of slavery. Other states had
similar measures that covered shorter periods of time or outlawed the instruction of a
group of slaves, but not of individual slaves.
Sources: Peter Kolchin, American Slavery, 1619- 1877, ( New York: Hill and Wang,
1993), p. 129; Alison Goodyear
Slavery
Debate
Press, 1982).
of 1831-
Freehling,
Drift Toward Dissolution:
1832, ( Baton Rouge and London:
The
Virginia
Louisiana State University
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. June 3, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-06-03
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/acd8f5fea649f25d09fdcbeb422bbc0f.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=qWyAVTJO5k-YEyCN5RFkAUkD4fXQnOJ8fbnrfR8lrWvUAe4hRTnB3uYf0cjAu96h2ghSWRVdeP37gS3E3fWt4z5w0EtW3eoBChj9ZMlmLbQjrTgFUIj6wBYbeTI4qoQxRpBzOjZJkUBFkkFxsEfNyStUXGdZ8wQ-eTUMF9%7EyA9ldDyGHPKQPjk4A-0uJfY6POTpcdxk-65VVfvz1RFSrEHGIWjeI8Z3axc9SxwSD1-RS9yrpa98v8vhKMMGa8aLhKG1OxjrMHvewwbrOg%7E7BSaCmsPJ4THPN%7EcsNBgE9rtvgStEgSoLG1pXVUPBVaDxOxPyvJTIy3fAL-umDcn%7EsMg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
ab0205704484cc6f715d4cc40ed80093
PDF Text
Text
1
T
a
0
E
d CI
mio
4 CI)
CI
re
p
i.,
a
A ,
a.,
Qs
oC
o
U
eNic6
a,
a,
ana)
z
0
o
r"
a)
d
I
o,
p
UO U
U0
jC
O
U
z
x
a.;
a
73 z y
Z
I- O
C a)
a, -
a) .
pl.,
0
c
a, '
Q
cll
Ug
v,
4
0
°
3
O3
O
0 "
a, °
o .=
al
O cCO0
O
Ucn° °
cn
vo
..
Q ° O-
a
a,
3 =
C
d1_ U
a,
0 •-,
a
on
tt
a
aoU
f
Ca
i
I.
c
b
-
d
0U
w
o0
3
Q
n.
d
c
aQa,urn
a}`"
i
•-O
0
o
Cll
u
o
0
cn
d
to
tI
Q v,....
M ,...
xW
o
ova
W v,°
0
Q
a
1)
3
c.)
a)
2
H
A
v
t
a
x
a,
06 .
anb °
a•
i
5 °
a,
cn
>N
N 0 $..
°
Y
°
a,
'
0
2 -
0 .--D
-
v)
E .
by
o
O
U cn
a tu cn N
a,
tU
Q
to
0
TU ......
N
0
ci
w.
a)
°
E
Q
v)
U O
4,
a)
Cri
cN
Q
a,
�N
Q ac
per.O
w
J
z7
Ca
ow
CAp
Cl)
z7w
0.
C V CO)
Oz
U
UU
e)
0
Z
N
U
a
OU O
3
L)
°
Ll O U
O
i.
4.
r:
2)
O
Qw
b
U
O
3
L
ti
O
o
OU O
U
aa ¢
r•
C7
v
Z
a
C:O U
I.
U ¢
a
eo
wtiD
I.
O
OU O
zN
'
In
.
0z •?
0
s
S.
U
LL)
I.
0U O
IDA
LOU
0
a"
C
j
c
a
W
C
L.
3
Z
0
nct
G1 O U
O
QO
. U
O
t.
e',
§
cz
C/)
bU
in
v vo
in ' .
C/
O
n
`
D
D
o
c
C/
Nn
ZZ >-'
C:
3
3
D
p
C/
U
aoP.
to
0U O
x
a
3
C/
3
o
j
c.
c`
b
N
a
D
r
iii
L.
I...
N
Z
O
v
ZZ >
C
S.
U
115
a
tiaa
w
>-' -"
U
I.
.
w O
Z >* >"
UO
U
>,
oM
U
cn 0`'
Wct
N
a)
N
t
z
i-.
3
C
z —
U O 44
Ob
D
Cl)
°
a,C
z
U
Cl)
O
H
UO
V)
S
�i
0
M
Wi a z d
W
a
W
0U
dF 0z
d•
i
w
x
z
F-
etz
4
—. 4
Cl)o
,.-
U > te
o0
Wc
ti
wa
a)
w
0o
au
U U°- <
- 7r
o
U cts
5
O.-,
- . o w'
tiw
a
ti
V`
3
to rn 4. N - n
C4
4 0.
`..
V
aa
EA
w al
a
wC
U
NU
a)
ww
Ua) `
a . -
a
-
w
it'
Qon
r
N
CZ:
N
o
nN
ww
a.)
V-,
a ti U
an
a)
wx
V
CA o
W 0
w
on
b
b
wC
an a '"
N
E
N
a)
a
dd- dN
d
aa
A
U U-
i
o
N
sa.4
x
W
6.
V
t4.,
a(
2
w
o
0w
(
a0
J.
aU ,-
d
d
...
>.
w
w
ai
up
o
r,
E-
0 )
A .
CO F
3
3
CQUC7
z
•
Feu .
a
V
v)
sC
aV
z
aC
a)
UCA
oar ;
cu
V
NU
o
3
avAWw
zO
›w
z0
a
wC
c
V
wF
b4
C
c
V
a
N
w
n
>
WW g
�I
C..)
4
z
w x
ZQ
w
Q0
G
o
d
C
v4 ,:
w
Cr: Qa
A
w
wa
cr w
i
2
nn —0
rice
Cl)
0
C
0
Q.
,
2
W
cll
0
23a
C
22v)
tia
C
n
CL
3
aD
c
c73x
an
3
0
0m
H
2a
aa3
n
C Cl)
a
0.
a,
m
n
o
N
•.
O0
z0
0
z0
2
•
U
c
z0
r.•
4,
U7z
or
3
Cl)
n
z0
O
a
0
3
Cl)
Z cn
z0
cn n s3
3
m
El)0
0
0
0
y
a,0
3
H3cX2
2
4
.
C0
4
0
zz
o_
3
4
cs
w
a)
a
E
no
S
0
0
z0
.
3
on
z
3
bn
w
z0
0
czs
Qc .[
Y-
~
U
u
3c
C>
e
3
0
>-
w
00
2f
a
Cl)
cn a
2
w
"
wx3 —.
_
CU
n
z0
>
0
0
w
>-
C0
�lr)
d
v'
..
dd
Z
J
w
Z
w
O
OU
d
v)E —
dv,
3
0 0n
3
Q
o
- ,
Uw
O J CI
v.>
W 0
ZW
W
o
v,
d
0
O
dC ID aCc-)
2
cu
r
w
o
o0
a
c
t
n
05
w
C
az ° (.
oa1
o
cxd
o
o
ct
o
o ,
w
zO
>-, >-. >-.
c
o -
ell)
to
Y
z
X
3
3UQmLx
cnL
m onct
C
z
w
t
i
x
Q
Wmcowr0a
ccC
L
Q2
°
cd .
oO
wx
3
b
2
o° •
a)
ca
Q
o
c
I...,
ox
a)
cd
w
z O›-
0)
cL °
V
n`
w
U
n
w
2
w
cs
o
zO
>- >w
0
O
c
a.)
C
on
w
Uo
ti
n
ov)
r.
a
a
3V)
mCL1
w
I.
w1x
>- >
w
o
zv]
aW
w
ct
a)
°
w
C)
o
b2
z
03
w
�l=
QM
F"'
fs.
W
ZQ
W
z
h Oz
O
Q[
d
-
bA
w
°
m
v
Aa
no
U W CA
W
W o
W
k,
1
E
O
4c O
cA
v1 •- Q.
z
a)
o 3•
-
y
v)aS
=
z
a)
rn
.
v
a
oo
x .
ux
C4 °
0
CAUL
E E p-
vDQdc
N
b
r—
U
2
2
U
c r)
W
U
C e5
a. ° ° ° °
U
o
*
Z VD '0
O4
°' ..
1
U
2
2
a,
U
a)
a,
ct 0 =
U
a)
a,
o ''
U
c
C7x
a)
OC -
a
c
a)
a t1ai
a)
zO
a)
a)
a
zO
a)
U
a)
c
a)
c
U
0
0
ao
>' ^b 11 O
L
a,
z;
a.
o
3
>,
sa. (
72;
z0
a)
z0
zz >
z
o
33N
a
a)
(
g)
'
a,
a
a)
Q C as
o
w
3Q
zzz > >
cS
o3c
Q
••— •-
U
U
o
E--,
i.
as 0 N
a.
0
b cC
a,
cad
c
;.
w
U
as
w
U
as
z0
3
U
as
0
U
W°
Q
a —•
1
U
ti
a)
`
as
I
4.
>
o
ti O Y
a)
a)o
z0
w
a)c
U
,
a
c
U
U0
c
a)
U
c,
0
a)
o
U
U
o3
ca ›,
Q
aG c,-o c3 -
z
b
a)
I.¢
w
O
o3
C
Va
U
r
22
c
a)
w
•°
cn " a,
z0
z0
co
Uo
Nf
r-
Q
Jo -
Z
o
a)
o3
a)
03
CD
0 3o
zWa
�O
7
Q.
W
z
W
C
U
a
oz
C
d
,
CA va
U LT.;va
Ow
a
F. .v?.
d
al.
a Ca
d
w O3 W Z
CA W
n
v)
O
a
O'
O
x3i octo
CI3CZ$
Q
Q
m
E
al
4Z
c>
O0a
cd
0 c aD
Q
a.
Z2
car-
a
Z-
V)
-'
c 3 c•~
j
o
M
00
3-
CA
I
0Q
Z0
2
c
Z
c
C1)
c
a
7-L.)
1
ZZ >3
g
4O
V)
a
.
s
?
O °
a.)
oc
a
xc
vp
`'
cg
CA
X
O
o3
0 c ,_
E
cc
Q
a)
c
2
v
C
°
a
0c
s.,
4
c °
mU x
M
O cd
c
U
U[
E
2a
V)
-
V)
U
wb
V)
oc0
zt2e ,
C
o
V)
c3
v,
n"
.,
O
zN
j
20 ,,
Ia.
v)
l.
cc
c
V)
n
a o=
C/
a)
D
c
a.
G.
at,
3
c
O
«
c
Z o(-
J .
g
a
Z> >-
> 3C
z
N
0
VD
a,
7
c...)
xE
v)
2 x
a)
1QW
0
c
N
oc. ..
VD
�r—
C...)
F"
Q
zQ
w
zQ
w
CU
Q
F-
Q PM hn d
z
CA
CA 0 0
-
w¢
0 •
CA
d
Fs. on .-
v)
-ell
et
x 0)
E'
i a ell
Z2
0 ai l 4 -
rr)cC •
az
w
W aA
Cl)
Q
w C3 wa
aC..
F
a
O
C
ZO
>-
03
0
a)
U
LL
>. >-
w
U
U
C
x ° °
i
CA CA
0
c3a
3 :
ci U
x
0
Hti -, .
cn
Q2 ;
c,
0 al
4
N
00
0 0)
>
a)
4>
>
L_
E
0
> > > >
wZw¢
--
7
3
a)
O '.
C3c3
5,
o
v)
0)
c
va
CO
c
w
N
ZO
>- >
o 35
C
a,
ccs
--_
0
Q
cc
m
w
'
0vp ‹
a) `
N mi
i..
>,
w
3
0
b
U
U
m
u
''
w°
C..)
ax CZ¢
3 ¢ ¢0
o
E-
¢
¢
C
0)
C
O
c./
P
2
Z
w
d
CAH E
u
rrs_
w=-
cn
0
0
z
al.
0
a v)
,
o
3ti3
0cd
E
a)
O
Q)
OS
a
I
0
0
0
Z Z>
0
0
3a2
c,
m ^
0
00
w up
ZO
> >- >-
03
r"
wuo
U Cr
ci
0
0
w up
030
Q
0
0
o
013
Q
cl
0
0
a,
O a)
0
5 ._ ."
O
z
0
0
ZO
>-
030
F '
U
C
c
a)
0
0
an
mu
.-=
0)
O
0
U
>,
0)
0
c .
0.
w
C.)
0
ZZ
ccip >
LJL
U
Q2
cl
C
w
-
D
0)
2w `
wc
.
2
cy-
N.
wciP
wup
Q
w
r
b D
N
c
O
c
Z O>wuo
>- >-
>-
�0
Cr
E~
F~
Cr
Q
z
cU
tr
oz
w
v) -.
y
Cl.
z
UU
°
333
cl
CI)
CA
WQ
z
Y
°'
w
w
E
cz$
GOa1U
a
z1. .
'
I
U•
QCI
w2
mz
a)
til)
tV)
a
x ..
O
33
aU Qw
E~
w
'
al
a)
O
Cd C U
OUU
22
o
W
22
a)u.,
C
U
0
.-
.
ti
W
..^_.
O
z
wO wzr,
Cycu
2
°
2
C
W
N
DVD
U C xw
5
U0
CZ
DCz
z
okr)
tia v
71-
>>
zz
Uo
e.
z
>-
UO
L
z >- >
'U o`
Uo
fa.
oz w x
C/
d .—
N
zz
0
c
U3
--
8
z
s
a
zQ
4 xW
w
C
N
0.-
7,;- _
Q
Q
V]
2a
o
Q
Ul
a
o
HOz
C.
U
aW
cd
O
a.)
3 -
U
2z
y
v
N
0
>
�Jd
w
Zd
z
w
C)
U
a
Cz
O
d
w
L.
I
7C7
a.'
00
X ZX
0
33 °
0
CC$
W
CC
0
v)
xti
0
L7x
0
2 ...
0
33
a2
on
Lt ;
aa =.. .
0
Ct4
kn
S
Zo
a.
a
to
Y
etc
a)
4
c)
n ° 75
>
W
W
in U,
w to
>"'
a
4 '-
Cn
1-
a)
a.)
4
k
a
3
a
Z
c
D
w
U
o0
C/
JW
D
LL--Cl)>-'
g .
2
00
b
a
3 x a)
a
U
o
J>--'
U3
ai
V
.
i 0 4 A'
'
ZO
<
i 0 4 al
. a'
a04
iU4
ai
w
C
.
a' .
4
a)
a
D
CA
b
CA
tn aa)
N
>
C/
a)
Q
N
w
a
i
Q
a)
a)
U4
.a
i 04
.c
.
a 04
.
Cl)
_) - -
Z
04
CO >
ZO
a U4
I.
33
O
2
E)
W
C/
Z
00
i0
d
2
a
N
0
CA
,--.
a0
3
A
O
C..)
3 .°
O
xw
n >,
i
C7:
d
ir O Cl)w
CA .--F
3 b 30 0.
a0
C
w
00
or
w
a0
a'
w
a
Z
a
z
a)
NN•
U
Uv)
cn
w CA
z >
Q
N
o3 c
Z
a.
a)
Co
JW-CID >
C/
D
>
>-
�a d CA
zd W
zd
W
o
E~
F''
z
2
a4
oa,
2
a,
2
rx 0
O
0
222
a
U
rr W
O Wm
F
vr*
a.
a
O
W
UC7Wri),
w
03
1vD
Q
4
ci)
A
O
oo
Q
0.
cn
Z
W
w
aa4 ~
3
w
b
I.
a
r2
z
Oz
Z
Oz
Oz
5- at
a
UW
E
v'
a
zd W
d
etc
U
fs,
W
z
o Uu d
z
d
PvI ,
-
do
CU
a,
U Q.
'
UE
U
-°
02
CU
o
3 as
o
W
O 3 W C4
W
kn
0 72
o
a,
Uw
O wi w U
av
o
tiC
a,
CU
0 0b bTi
or-
S.
i
S.
w
.,
c
w
2
Oz
w
N oNo
w
N
•_
Q• b o
5E
a
N
�w
C 4.,
1.
4
E,
Q
zd w
wzH
w
d Cz
CU
rI -
va
A.
Ca
av
3
O
ct
cu
3
a cu
U
o
x
o
a cu I
x
O
a I 3 to
U
O
w
H
E
Q.
3N.
4
Ha
U
Y
Z0
3
V
w
J
ZxC
0
i.
n
c
c
z
a)
ax
0
c
w C3 w
w
O
ri
3
71-
Uo
r
z
V
r
3 .,,,
O
-
CA d
zO
>
ip
a,
WA
p
U
c
w
`
Nw
a,co
O
o
zw
c
T
w
w
zd w
C
U aH oz
d
Cww
va `.
do
a:
b
-
o
cn
x ^
V
C.)
w
X
c
CZ d
d
.
1
c
C7
cg
W
0
a,
cD
4o -
x ,°
V)
C7
a)
on
U.
x
zz
zz >-.
ao
a.
w O
CA
d
N
i
30
w
�F'
E.,
W
W
O
H oZ
dv' `O
O.
H•
O ww
W x
W
vD W
W C
W
N
o
ti
as '
t
.
2 z v)
2
.
LL.
L"
c4
CI)
C)
d
n
C7v)
L1VD
ticd
N ^
v
rG
U
u
i
O
zz >O
a,
a)
a
w
o3
z
0
xCL)
,
co
0
o
v,U
zz
03
O
O
3
w
3
zO
zO
o3
a.)
Cram.
MCy
Q
I
W
O
U
Oz
d N
F
z ,
m
a"
0
O03
3
Cl)
dzW
w
fir.
oa,
0
a„
al
fl
sa.
wb
O
N
a)
00
C7
o
f""
bA
oo
a
0
o
a
c7 c
ri U W
O
A
va W
4 a"
O
I
zz >O
I
c
I
O
E
L)
0
a)
w
0 ,
a,
to
N>
o
as A,
a.
oE
u??
a
o
Uo
tea.
W O
Cd
�f
zQ
zQ
Q
0
O
a F Oz
1a.O
rLCa
CD .,
c =
0
c4
o
z
z
z
E'
ti
3
6
a)
zQ
Q
aa..cl
v) .-
Ea'c3
o0
a,
L cC 3 o
G4 Z
W
zd w
o U
a)
8
aF Oz
N
o3
Qc
03
ti
a)
03
W
N
03
7)a Q
A
Qco)
p
dQt :
Ocf)
0.
0
a
°
_z W >,
-
UW xW
A
Qa
6,
:
3.
a-
z
rsd
sQ
3 ,
ww0
w
N
c
3
u
0 u
-
'°
tn
c) z
W
N
D
03
3
z0
r--1:
it
al)to
Q 5)
on
v)
Ncd
D
03
24 00
03
0
T.,
>.,
Q
b '-'
03
3 0
O
wZ
1-
A :°
L1
wa
WW
c-
c
O
kn
E
o
o .-
c
AO3
E"
7
cll—
cn
c
.•
x
CA w
O
v)y
Uw
>
�4
2w
a
d
w
OU
a
Oz
d
Ow w U W
QC
Ci d-
C/
W
A
a
r
4
W O
Cr W
in -
U cC
03
oo
Zo
w
w
N
03
0
w
N
°a
0
c
6
2 °
U .•
T
a)
03
0
0
x -
0
U
0
33
33
c -
zn4 z
z°
o
a)
0
0
a)
0
0
a)
wmc.
o
al
oc
w
c0
V
-
0
0
N
-V
2 cl
0
0
0
0 00 3
0
3 Z°
› °
0 .—
00
-
R.
0
o
22
0
cl
0
0
33
ai-'
0
as tD czs N 0
Z0
w
w
O
6
w
Z0
>-.
W
-
H
b
W
o
x 60
'
o
0
0
oti
0o
e
r,
a)E ,0
-
c
a
0o
0
a)
v -
o o ()
3 co _.
a)
a,
ZO
o
a, =
03
ct
w
a,
ti
oo
-
33
ZO
>6
oo
0
c
w
o
0
a)
Nal
ZO
>"
cj
Qo
3 -
-
Z0
o
oo
o•
n.
w
p
cC7
c71a)
33
t7
C
ao
o
Z 0 >-'
v
a,
2
w
6
ZO
>
W
�et
z
7W
Oz
w
w
14
aO
et
3
w
aJ
C/
3y
D
0
al
wr
E
b
w
W
W
cti
ai
o
0
z0
w
N•
3
3
E
c
0
a
0
3
Tsb
on
Lz,
3r
fl
C
0
6
w
w
>
>
>-
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. May 20, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-05-20
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/b81885f6869d0959aea1fdc401cfeb74.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=I7ymOYAgL9pMlZiAC97roiXor9fK6w22r1mU1uXltNUVsAFmw73hK6TxvA4d1vqg4mHOF%7EeRJamfiAWxzmbMfXeghYluLHdMahpdAnfNsnFmbLVgnPyXcTsa-JKYAG8Hb5KfsRMrCV03yzRPuwjNcNfylqF4aoQx0sVSuaYaxOpkjSu2Y1JC8KlLyOFK%7El2-ZdIkwmvg-JUidkWg5dBk84NKykWxmXmMBn4cNUkSiNTm6704sP0FkZwsxEWQkwyVJ-Zl3W2T5Q3PDxPwj6iaQD1pWdFpCWTMB-X8ZOpoB93lwc-ZtDIna%7EmR9IQ43IKP38wlh1b2Gb-yZDi3KmnN4g__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
cfd59ebc8efb64546d83d7754a16e616
PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
May 6, 1999
The fourth issue of" The Network" includes a selection of runaway slave advertisements
that contain information about the duties, responsibilities, and skills of personal slaves
and enslaved men and women who worked in houses. All references are from the first
volume (Virginia and North Carolina) of Lathan A. Windley, comp., Runaway Slave
Advertisements:
Connecticut:
A Documentary History from the 1730s to 1790, 4 vols., Westport,
Greenwood Press, 1983. This issue also contains two letters that Sampson
Matthews of Richmond wrote to Colonel John Cropper of Accomack County in 1785.
Matthews directed Cropper to purchase six slaves— a personal servant for his wife and an
enslaved boy who could wait in the house and drive a carriage. The third section of" The
Network" lists two new books on slavery and the slave trade.
Virginia
Gazette—
October
27,
1752
RAN away from the Subscriber, living in New- Kent County, on the first day of
September last, a fair Mulatto Woman Slave, named Moll, about 22 Years of Age, and 5
Feet high, with brown Hair, grey Eyes, very large Breasts and Limbs, two of her upper
fore Teeth are rotten and broken off; she took with her 4 brown Linnen Shirts, 3 VirginiaCloth Petticoats, 3 Roles Aprons, several Holland Caps, and an old blue and white
Virginia- Cloth Wastecoat; she stole about Five Pounds in Cash, so that its likely she may
have bought other Clothes, she is a very sly subtle Wench and a great Lyar; she is very
handy about waiting and tending in a House, and can wash, iron and sew coarse Work:
It' s likely she may change her Name, pass for a free Woman and hire herself. Whoever
will bring her to Col. William Macon, in New- Kent County, to Mr. William Macon, Jun.
in Hanover County, or to the Subscriber, shall have Two Pistoles Reward, besides what
the Law allows.
Martha Massie
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, 27 October 1752 ( Windley, p. 30).
Gazette—
September 5, 1755
York- Town,
August 27, 1755
RAN away from the Subscriber, early on Saturday Morning last, a young Negroe Fellow,
named Mingo, of a yellowish Complexion, slim made, about 15 Years of Age; had on
when he went away, a light colored Russia Drab Coat; He was seen in and about
Hampton, and pretended he was sent down to wait on a Gentleman. He took with him a
Bay
Horse,
Slave,
which
and deliver
has
since
been found
near
him to Mr. Jacob Walker,
Hampton.
or
Whoever will apprehend the said
Mr. George
Walker,
in Hampton,
shall
�2
have Half a Pistole Reward, besides what the Law allows.
John Norton.
N. B. The said Slave has been Outlaw' d.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, 5 September 1755 ( Windley, pp. 32- 33).
Gazette— October 20, 1768
RUN away from the subscriber in Chesterfield,.the Wednesday before Easter last, a bright
mulatto wench named JUDE, about 30 years old, is very remarkable, has lost one eye, but
which I have forgot, has long black hair, a large scar on one of her elbows, and several
other scars in her face, and has been subject to running away ever since she was ten years
old. I have great reason to think she will pass for a free woman, and endeavour to make
into South Carolina. She is very knowing about house business, can spin, weave, sew,
and iron, well.
She had on when she went away her winter clothing, also a blue and white
striped Virginia cloth gown, a Virginia cloth copperas and white striped coat, besides
others too tedious to mention. Whoever conveys the said slave to me shall be well
rewarded for their trouble.
MARY CLAY.
Source: Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 20 October 1768 ( Windley, p. 65).
Virginia
Gazette—
March 19, 1772
RUN away from the subscriber in Essex, a mulatto fellow ( who some time ago belonged
to Mr. Thomas Barnes) named JOE, of the middle size, well proportioned, combs his hair
remarkably neat, has been always kept as a waitingman, is very smart in his answers, and
understands house business, as well as the management of horses. He is a good
shoemaker, and can do many other things, can read and write tolerably well, and probably
may have a forged pass, or discharge, as he had one wrote by me to pass until the 31st of
July. He has a variety of clothes, but those most commonly used by him are a blue
Newmarket coat, a brown fustian do. leather breeches, an old green shag jacket, a coarse
leaden coloured cloth coat and vest, with white metal buttons, a laced hat, and another
bound with black ferret, several
white
shirts,
stockings, &
c.
He carried with him a dark
brown blooded mare, about 13 hands and a half high, about 8 years old, trots, has a little
white I believe on one of her feet, and branded on her buttock WR in a piece. He was
seen on Sunday the 30th of July with the said mare saddled, and a bundle of clothes, at
Mr. Robert Tomlin' s, in Richmond county. Whoever takes up the runaway and mare, and
conveys them to me, living near Hobb' s Hole, shall have 5 1. reward; and if taken
upwards of 50 miles from Hobb' s Hole, shall be paid for travelling.
WILLIAM ROANE.
Source:
Virginia
Gazette, Purdie and Dixon,
eds.,
17 August
1769 (
Windley,
p. 72).
�3
Virginia
Gazette—
March 19, 1772
FREDERICKSBURG,
March
11,
1772.
FWI BEN POUNDS Reward for taking up, and delivering to me, my Man CHRISTMAS.
He is a lusty, well made, genteel Fellow, has waited on me from my Infancy, can shave
and dress extremely well, and is about thirty Years of Age; his Complexion is rather light
his Father being a light Mulatto) very pleasant, and well featured. He has been
inoculated for the Smallpox, but has no Marks except the Scar of the Incision on one
Arm, and at present a large Cut on his Shin, the Effect of a late Night Revel; he can read,
is very fluent of Speech, speaks with great Propriety, and is so artful that he can invent a
plausible Tale at a Moment' s Warning, which makes me suspect that he will now pass
unmolested, under some Pretence or other, as a Freeman, which I presume will be most
desirable to him; though he has lived little short of it with me, having been too indulged,
and being very idle during my present Indisposition, he has grown wanton in
Licentiousness, and several gross Acts of ill Behaviour this Week past, are now
completed by an Elopement last Monday Night. It will be in vain to describe his Dress,
as he has already changed his Livery, and it seems has taken a brown Kersey Waistcoat
belonging to my Cook, which I presume he will retain as Part of his Dress. The above
Reward will be proportioned, and paid according to the Distance he may be taken up and
brought home, namely, FIVE POUNDS if above twenty and under fifty Miles, TEN
POUNDS is [ sic] above fifty and under a Hundred Miles, and 1~ 11-1 EEN POUNDS for
any Distance above a Hundred Miles in this Colony; but if he is taken out of the Colony, I
will give TWENTY POUNDS.
JAMES MERCER.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon,
Gazette—
August
eds.,
19 March 1772 ( Windley, p. 111).
6, 1772
TAPPAHANNOCK,
Essex County,
August 1, 1772.
RUN away from the Subscriber' s Plantation, about a Mile distant from the said Town,
last May, a likely, well made, light coloured Mulatto Wench named PHEBE, about five
Feet four Inches high, and about twenty two Years old; as she had formerly been a House
Servant, she had a Variety of Clothes. A Propensity for Pleasure in the Night brought a
little Punishment
from the Overseer, which I suppose made her run off. Some Years ago
I had her of a certain Ambrose Jones, then of this County, but now in Brunswick, where
perhaps she may have strolled to. Whoever conveys her to me, or secures her in any of
his Majesty' s Jails, shall have FORTY SHILLINGS Reward, besides what the Law
allows.
ARCHIBALD
RITCHIE.
�4
Source:
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 6 August 1772 ( Windley, p. 118).
Virginia Gazette— November
5, 1772
TEN POUNDS
REWARD.
RUN away from the Subscriber, in Northumberland, on Wednesday the 14th of October,
a very likely young Virginia born Negro Man named DAVID, of a yellowish complexion,
and about five Feet five Inches high; had on when he went off an Osnabrug Shirt, a Pair
of Purple Virginia Cloth Breeches lined with white Linen, a Pair of Rolls Breeches over
them, and a Fearnought Jacket with Horn Buttons.
He carried with him a brown coloured
Kersey Jacket, a blue and white Virginia cloth One with coarse Osnabrug Pockets, brown
and white Linen Shirts, and sundry other Clothes which I cannot well describe; but, as he
is a very cunning artful Fellow, I imagine he will sell and swap his Clothes as may suit
him. Though his hair is of the Negro kind, he keeps it very high and well combed; but, as
he wants to be free, I imagine he will cut it off, and get a Wig to alter and disguise
himself. He had with him thirty or forty Shillings in Silver Money, and a Brass Medal
with the Image of our present King and Queen on it, which he will endeavour to pass for
Gold. He can read pretty well, and I make no Doubt will endeavour to pass for a Freeman
and get himself a forged Pass, and endeavour for some foreign Part, either by getting on
Board of some Vessel or stealing some Gentleman' s Horse and make for Carolina. He
has always been my Waiting Man when I went from home, and is a good Waiter, Driver,
and Hostler, understands something of Gardening, of combing and dressing Wigs and
Hair, can plough, work at the Hoe and Axe very well, and is, on the Whole, a very clever
active brisk Fellow. Whoever will apprehend the said Runaway, and bring him home to
me, or secure him in any Jail in the Colony, so that I get him, shall have FIVE POUNDS
Reward, and reasonable Charges allowed; if out of the Colony TEN POUNDS, and
reasonable Charges for bringing him home.
THOMAS
GASKINS.
N. B. He is suspected to have carried with him a Drab coloured Sailor' s Jacket with Slash
Sleeves, Leather Buttons on the Sleeves, if not on the Breast, and lined through with red
and white Swanskin; also a Pair of old white Plush Breeches, which are missing.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 6 August 1772 ( Windley, p. l23)
Gazette— June 30, 1774
AUGUSTA, June 18, 1774.
RUN away the 16th Instant, from the Subscriber, a Negro Man named BACCHUS, about
30 Years of Age, five Feet six or seven Inches high, strong and well made; had on, and
took with him, two white Russia Drill Coats, one turned up with blue, the other quite
plain and new, with white figured Metal Buttons, blue Plush Breeches, a fine Cloth
Pompadour
Waistcoat,
two or three thin or Summer
Jackets,
sundry
Pairs of
white
Thread
�5
Stockings, five or six white Shirts, two of them pretty fine, neat Shoes, Silver Buckles, a
fine Hat cut and cocked in the Macaroni Figure, a double- milled Drab Great Coat, and
He formerly belonged to Doctor George Pitt, of
Williamsburg, and I imagine is gone there under Pretence of my sending him upon
sundry
other
Wearing
Apparel.
Business, as I have frequently heretofore done; he is a cunning, artful, sensible Fellow,
and very capable of forging a Tale to impose on the Unwary, is well acquainted with the
lower Parts of the Country, having constantly rode with me for some Years past, and has
been used to waiting from his Infancy. He was seen a few Days before he went off with a
Purse of Dollars, and had just before changed a five Pound Bill; most, or all of which, I
which he might easily have done, I having
trusted him much after what I thought had proved his Fidelity. He will probably
suppose
he must have robbed
me
off [ sic],
endeavour to pass for a Freeman by the Name of John Christian, and attempt to get on
Board some Vessel bound for Great Britain, from the Knowledge he has of the late
Determination of Somerset' s Case. Whoever takes up the said Slave shall have 5 1.
Reward, on his Delivery to GABRIEL JONES.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 30 June 1774 ( Windley, pp. 149- 150).
Gazette—
July 5, 1776
LANCASTER, June 13, 1776.
RUN away from the subscriber, on Monday the 10th instant ( June) two men slaves, both
Virginia born, viz. BILLY, a stout well made black fellow, about 5 feet 6 inches high, 25
years of age, who has been used to gardening, cooking, taking care of horses, and very
handy, if he pleases, about any kind of house business. KITT, a stout mulatto fellow,
much knock kneed, between 17 and 18 years of age, stammers a little in his speech, and is
about 5 feet 9 inches high. Billy had on a leather cap, and both of them went off in their
work clothes, of country cloth. I will give 40 s. reward to any person who will deliver the
said negroes to me, or secure them so that I get them again.
MUNGO HARVEY.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 5 July 1776 ( Windley, p. 252).
Gazette— June 6, 1777
MECKLENBURG,
June 2, 1777.
RUN away from Doctor David Black' s of Blandford, some Time in August last, a Negro
Fellow named SAM ( now my Property) about 40 Years of Age, 5 Feet 8 or 9 Inches high,
has a large Sore on the Inside of his right Ancle, and his Leg in general much swelled. He
carried with him
an
old black gray Coat,
a
striped
Worsted
Cap,
Trousers, &
c. He may
probably endeavour to pass for a free Man, as he is fully acquainted with Household and
Kitchen
Work, and
frequently
said his Name
was
Sam Leismore before he left
the
West
�6
Indies.
Whoever apprehends
the said Fellow, and delivers him to the Subscriber,
or
secures him in any Gaol in Virginia, shall receive TWENTY SHILLINGS, besides what
the Law allows.
JOHN MURRAY.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Dixon and Hunter, eds., 6 June 1777 ( Windley, pp. 184- 185).
Gazette— August 8, 1777
RUN away from the subscriber, the 21st of July, a mulatto girl named KATE, or
Catharine, about 5 feet high, has been brought up in the house from her infancy, and can
work well with a needle. She is 19 or 20 years of age, has a smiling countenance when
spoke to, and at some times is rather impertinent. She has endeavoured to pass for a free
girl, and was going to the West Indies with the mate of some vessel, but was detected.
She has now made a second elopement. I imagine she may be lurking about some of the
shores, in order to get off. She has a great number of very good clothes, therefore it is
uncertain what she may have with her. I will give a reward of 3 1. to any person that will
deliver her to col. John Wilson, or mrs. Mary Bradley, at the N. W. Landing, Norfolk
county, or to the jailer of Elizabeth City.
BRADLEY.
Source:
Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 8 August 1777 ( Windley, pp. 263- 264).
Virginia
Gazette—
December 19, 1777
NORTH CAROLINA State,
BUTE County,
Nov. 20, 1777.
RUN away from the Subscriber last Night, a Negro Man Slave named PETER, about 5
Feet 6 Inches high, made in Proportion; he has, from his Infancy, been a waiting- Man,
and drives a Chair very well, has a smiling Countenance, and very complaisant, had a
Squeel in his Speech, and Chews Tobacco,
at other Times takes Snuff; he carried with
him two Suits of Clothes, one green Frize Half wore, the other a grey Coat bound, and the
Binding now almost white, the Jacket for that is a born, 4 or 5 Pair of Breeches, one of
which is Leather, 4 good Shirts, 2 of them striped Cotton, marked WP, with Bands of the
same, stamped with red as the Shirts, 3 pair of new Shoes, and 1 Pair Half soled, two
good Dutch Blankets, an old Worsted Cap and a Hat, with a Piece Burnt off one Side; he
is a good Plantation Waggoner, careful of his master' s Horses, as a waiting Man. and very
honest. I can assign no Reason for his running away, but quarreling with his Wife. I will
give TEN DOLLARS to any Person that will deliver him to me, and pay all Charges, let
him be well used.
WILLIAM PARK.
Source:
Virginia
Gazette,
Dixon and Hunter,
eds.,
19 December
1777 (
Windley,
p. 190).
�7
Virginia
Gazette—
May 29, 1778
Two Hundred Dollars Reward.
RUN away from the subscriber in Northumberland, two negro men, viz. JOE, a tall black
fellow,
who
has
a
fine smooth
address,
a
hole in
one
of his
cheeks
and is very artful.
He
can read a little, is fond of singing hymns, and exhorting his brethren of the Ethiopian
tribe. BILLY, a stout well made dark mulatto, has very black hair, and is remarkably
cunning. They are both good house servants, and understand the business of a stable.
The above reward will be paid on their being delivered to me, or one half for either.
JOHN GORDON.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 29 May 1778 ( Windley, p. 270).
Gazette
and
Weekly
RUN away from my farm
Advertiser—
near
September 20, 1783
Fredericksburg
on
the 9th
July
last . . .
A likely well grown
negro lad, about eighteen years old, named ROBIN, absconded from me about the same
time; he was brought up from his infancy a house servant, hath been in England, and sent
back for pilfering; the same cause induced me lately to put him to labour in the field. I
cannot describe his dress; what is most remarkable in his person, is long slim feet and
legs, the calves of which are rather higher than common, his head is I think less than
proportionate, and and [ sic] forehead low, and his mouth pretty large, his hands and feet
both delicate, having never been used to hard work, or to go without shoes; he is very
fluent in speech, and much addicted to lying. I will give one half of the rewards offered
for Anthony [ ten dollars if taken within 20 miles, 15 dollars if 40 miles, 20 dollars if
more than 60 miles, and 30 dollars if out of the state of Virginia, and reasonable
travelling expenses, or the like sums for securing him in jail, till I can send for and get
him], to any person who brings him home, or secures him in any jail till I get him.
CHARLES
Source:
YATES.
Virginia Gazette and Weekly Advertiser, Nicolson and Prentis, eds., 20
September 1783 ( Windley, pp. 220- 221).
Virginia
Gazette
or
American
Advertiser— October 16, 1784
TWENTY POUNDS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber, near Leeds- Town, on Rappahanock River, about the
first of October, 1783, a likely Mulatto woman named CHARITY, who carried with her
three children, two boys and a girl; her husband, a Negro man belonging to Col. William
Fauntleroy,
of Naylor'
s
Hole, carried
them
on
the South
side
of James River,
near
the
�8
City of Richmond, where he secreted them until April, 1784; they were then brought to
Naylor' s Hole with the small pox on them, and some time in June they went away again.
I cannot tell whether they are marked with the small pox, as I never saw them after they
had it, nor can I describe the cloathes they carried with them, as neither myself or family
had been at home for several months before they went away. She is a likely wench, has
an uncommon good voice, is a good house servant, and can spin and knit very well.
About the same time a young Negro fellow named FRANK, a house servant, also went
away; he was in possession of Mr. Brownlow, of Fredericksburg, until some time in June,
and in July I had him brought home, but he ran away again; he is a likely active lad, about
18 years old, and about five feet six inches high, well made, has large full eyes, but no not
remember any other particular mark. I will give FIVE POUNDS for the wench and
children, to be secured in any gaol, and notice given that I may get them again, or TEN
POUNDS to have them brought home. The same Reward will be given for Frank, or as
they are unwilling to stay at home, I will sell them, or either of them, to any gentleman
inclinable to purchase, who will get them in possession, and make application to
THOMAS TURNER.
Source:
Virginia
Gazette
or
American
Advertiser,
Hayes,
ed., 16 October 1784
Windley, pp. 364- 365).
Virginia
Gazette
or
American Advertiser—
May 10, 1786
RUN away from the Subscriber, a mulatto man named JOE, about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches
high, 25 years of age, bandy legged, thick lips, and speaks broken English, being raised at
the Illinois. He is a good Barber, and a handy fellow about a Gentleman' s person, being
always kept as a waiting- man. He is well acquainted in Richmond, and it is expected he
will make for that place. Whoever will bring said fellow to me again, or give such
information that I may get him, shall be handsomely rewarded.
JOHN BRECKINRIDGE.
Albemarle, March 27, 1786.
Source:
Virginia
Gazette
or
American
Advertiser,
Hayes,
ed.,
10 May 1786 ( Windley, p.
384).
Virginia Gazette
or
American Advertiser—
May 24, 1786
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY form the Estate of the late John Mayo, deceased, in February last, a negro
man, about 35 years of age, of a yellowish complexion, much pitted with the small pox, 5
feet 8 or 9 inches high, he calls himself WILL QUASH, and sometimes WILL DAMAR,
and affects to be a Cook and Waterman; formerly belonged to Mr. Norton, and lived in
Williamsburg.
As it is
highly
probable he may
attempt
to
pass for
a
free
man,
all persons
�9
are forewarned not to carry him out of the State. Whoever will apprehend the said Slave,
and deliver him either to Mr. John Beckley, in Richmond, or Mr. William Mayo, near
thereto, shall receive the above reward, besides what the law allows.
RICHMOND, May 20, 1786.
Virginia Gazette or American Advertiser, Hayes, ed., 24 May 1786 ( Windley, p.
Source:
386).
Virginia Independent Chronicle and General Advertiser—
July 28, 1790
Run away from the subscriber, last Fall, from Richmond, where he was hired, a negro
man, named GLOUCESTER. He formerly waited on my father, and is a very artful,
cunning fellow, being acquainted in many of the States; he is near six feet high, his legs
rather small, and knocked kneed, has a large scar over his right eye, a very white set of
teeth, and about forty years of age; he is a native of Jamaica, and has a brand on the
shoulder ;
speaks in the dialect of the West- Indies, and professes himself an hostler; he
understands the cooking business, and formerly belonged to Doct. John Baker, with
whom he lived some years in Williamsburg. He will endeavour to pass as a freeman, as I
understand he informed many persons whilst in Richmond he was free, and called himself
John Baker. I have been informed he intended to Petersburg, Goochland, or Alexandria,
the latter I think the most probable place. All masters of vessels, and others, are
forewarned taking
the said
fellow
out
of
the country,
at their
peril. Any person delivering
him to me in Gloucester, or securing him in any jail so that I get him again, shall be
handsomely rewarded, exclusive of what the law allows.
Source:
Virginia Independent Chronicle and General Advertiser, Davis, ed., 28 July
1790 ( Windley, pp. 417- 418).
In 1785 Sampson Mathews of Richmond wrote two letters to Colonel John Cropper of
Accomack County about the purchase of six slaves. He wanted a slave girl to wait on his .
wife and an enslaved boy who could wait in the house and drive a carnage.
Richmond 14th Febry 1785
Sir
at which Time you was Kind Enough To under Take the
Purchas of four slaves) my wife has Lost her maid, which is very Inconvenient, therefore
if the Purchase be Not Compleat before this goes To hand, youl Pleas Procure a Likely
Since
Negro
girl
the
3d.
from 12
well disposed,
or
ulto. (
to
in
18 years
other
that
words
Can Shew, &
is acustomed To Wait on Ladies honest
Such
you think may Suit
a one
as
�on reverse]
Sir,
I should be glad of a Compleat house servant that Could Drive a Carriage, sober
one Suitable To these Purposes[&]
By Youl Not Hesitate for Price
Provided you have Not already made the Purchase of the whole order
well disposed,
Richmond 29th March 1785
Sir
I
14t. Febry&
have Not Recd any Answer or Information how you
have succeeded in the Purchase of Slaves which you was kind Enough To under Take for
me, in the Letter Last wrote I Requested you To Purchase a Negroe girl about 15 years of
age
wrote
you the
accustomed To Shew &
wait on Ladies &
a boy of about 14 or 18 years accustomed
To wait in the house; I hope before this Time you have Compleated the Purchase &
forwarded the Slaves. if Not I Earnestly Request you To Compleat the Purchase as Soon
as
Possible
upon
the Best Terms
you Can &
as Near To the Instructions as oppertunatie
may offer. If oppertunatie offers this way by Craft Please send what you may have
Purchased.
Source: John Cropper Papers, 1779- 1820, Virginia Historical Society Mss: 1C8835a.
New Books on the Slave Trade and Slavery
Klein, Herbert S.
The Atlantic Slave Trade. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1999.
Melish,
Joanne
Pope.
Disowning Slavery:
England, 1780- 1860.
Gradual Emancipation
Ithaca, NY & London:
Cornell
and " Race"
University
Press,
in New
1998.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. May 6, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-05-06
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/336795b328c2255c31aedd6aa284336d.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=fu8myA-uP0ZTyQ6FBQIQ9FjpToEE644h7oWoZRm7TQanTLtC18puDS90sAFV3hs-Bp-6uy%7E9quHqg8DcPGZjoAzcA0ZBIJIHxK0Sg%7Ep0UGIMRnJ6C-MBjMrmsjmwRFXKD3SKd2-MGDVT25N9Xfu-iZ3tBd6Qc7IGBy-INjOukMN%7ETBBfnS7iEYO3B2FlMgq3nzLxwwOv64lvd1WMtn%7EFXQcDcOxLvP05Mzrxne1wMNDu2T3mW1p2uSly%7Eg5wkCrCachd7XDkdHIdSb4TkN%7E4hT90enk-d7-1YIHdDDEnvcP5tWdHJsDS7%7EYwHFTi61jxHpltH6yoqJWoYZfKgbHhVw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
921aaa7b01d104613b780dd5d9eca9ea
PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
April 22, 1999
The third issue of" The Network" includes a bibliography of additional readings in
seventeenth- and eighteenth- century West African History and Culture, an examination of
the way in which St. George Tucker and his family came to effectively repudiate
emancipation after the turn of the nineteenth century, and a story about James Armistead
Lafayette, a slave who spied for the Americans during the Revolution.
Lorena S. Walsh—" Suggested Additional
Century
West African
History
Readings in Seventeenth-
and Eighteenth-
and Culture" ( March 1999)
This bibliography is intended to provide an introduction to the most recent, most
available, and most readable sources that address issues of West African history and
culture in the era of the slave trade for anyone interested in pursuing these topics beyond
the brief summary in the Prologue of the Enslaving Virginia Resource Book.
Because African history is relatively unfamiliar to most interpreters and scholars
at Colonial Williamsburg, a good starting point is basic texts in African history. By far
the most comprehensive recent text is Philip Curtin, Steven Feierman, Leonard
Thompson, and Jan Vansina, African History From Earliest Times to Independence ( 2nd
ed.; London, 1995).
Chapters 6 ( Africa North of the Forest, 1500- 1880), 7 ( West African
Coast in the Era of the Slave Trade, and 8 ( Equatorial Africa before the nineteenth
century) cover the periods and places most relevant to colonial American historians. John
Iliffe, Africans: The
Africa from
History of A
l lth
the
to
mid 17th
Continent( Cambridge,
centuries),
Eng.,
1995), chapters 5 ( Western
and 7 ( West Africa in the era of the slave
trade) provides a more thematic approach. This is not the first text one might wish to
read, but it provides a helpful supplement to Curtin, et. al. J. F. A. Ajayi and Michael
Crowder,
eds.,
History of West
Africa( 2
vols.,
3rd ed.; London,
1985), vol. 1, is also
useful. Elizabeth Isichei, an African scholar who has pioneered in the history of the Ibo
people of south eastern Nigeria, in A History ofAfrican Societies to 1870( Cambridge,
Eng.,
1997),
chapters 13, 14, 16, 18, and 19, explores the history of West Africa in the
same period from the perspective of ordinary African peoples. The more formidable,
heavily illustrated, UNESCO General History ofAfrica, Volume V, Africa from the
Sixteenth
to the
Eighteenth Century, B. A. Ogot, ed., (
Berkeley, Ca., 1992) is a collection
of essays by a number of scholars of Africa on broad themes in period history and on
developments in its various regions. These essays vary widely in their readability for non-
specialists. Readers with a greater than average tolerance for fine detail will find the
essays
on
trade (
diaspora( 4, 5),
19) of interest.
P
4
political, economic, and social developments ( 2, 3, 29), the African
and surveys of specific West African regions ( 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, and
1, 4),
�2
Contemporary traveler' s accounts give an idea of the kinds of information about
West Africa that 18th century Virginians might have read, or, more likely, heard about
from mariners and merchants. Selections from some as well as some period court cases
are reproduced in Elizabeth Dorman, ed., Documents Illustrative of the History of the
Slave
Trade to America( 4
vols.;
Washington,
D. C.,
1932- 35; reprint, New York, 1969).
A number of other travel accounts were published in volume 5 of Awnsham and John
Churchill, Collection of Voyages and Travels ( 6 vols.; London, 1732), available in Swem
Library Rare Books. Other traveler' s accounts are abstracted in Thomas Astley, comp., A
New General Collection of Voyages and Travels Consisting of the Most Esteemed
Relations Which Have Been Hitherto Published in Any Language ( 4 vols.; London, 174547;
reprint,
London, 1968) [
The reprint edition is not yet available in Williamsburg, but
can be ordered through interlibrary loan].
Among the more important individual published accounts in Williamsburg
libraries is Barbot on Guinea: The Writings ofJean Barbot on West Africa, 1678- 1712,
ed. P. E. H. Hair, Adam Jones, and Robin Law( London,
1992),
a heavily annotated edition
which identifies (and largely deletes) Barbot' s borrowings from other authors which
appear in the 1732 version of his works published in Churchill, Collection of Voyages.
See also William Bosman, A New and Accurate Description ofthe Coast of Guinea
1704;
reprint,
London,
1695, 1696, and 1697
1967);
on
Sieur Froger, A Relation ofa Voyage Made in the Years
ofAfrica ( London, 1698; microform in Swern), and
Coasts
the
F. Hutchinson, " A Seventeenth
William
Century
Slaver'
s
Diary,"
Elder Dempster
4 ( 1935): 60- 62, 141- 43; 5 ( 1936): 32- 34 ( copy in CW
Library). Additional
contemporary accounts are listed in J. D. Fage, A Guide to Original Sources For
Magazine
Precolonial Western Africa Published in European Languages ( Madison, Wis., 1987)
Narratives written by enslaved Africans, including Job ben Solomon and Olaudah
Equiano, are conveniently reproduced in Philip D. Curtin, Africa Remembered.
Narratives
by
West Africans
from
the Era
of the
Slave
Trade ( Madison, Wis.,
1968).
It is the interconnections between Africa and the Americas and the possible extent
of direct Africans carry- overs or syncretisms ( combinations of differing customs, beliefs,
or cultural forms) that is of most interest to Americans. John Thornton, Africa and
Africans
in the
Making of the
Atlantic
World( Cambridge,
Eng.,
1992),
was the first
major historical work to address " the creation of African America from the perspective of
African society" [ quotation from Ira Berlin, review in William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd
ser.,
51 (
1994): 544- 47].
The second
edition(
Cambridge,
Eng.,
1998) replicates the
original text and goes on to include a short chapter on the eighteenth century. Initially
judged " controversial" and" contentious" by mainstream American historians, many of
Thornton' s major points have subsequently become widely accepted among most
scholars. However, Thornton' s contention that in most of the Americas, slaves came
from only a few national groupings and thought of themselves as part of communities
that had distinct ethnic or national roots remains contested.
The best summary of the
arguments against slaves forming identifiable communities based on specific ethnic pasts
is
Philip
D. Morgan, " The Cultural Implications
of
the
Atlantic Slave Trade: African
�3
Regional Origins, American Destinations and New World Developments,"
in David Eltis
and David Richardson, eds., Routes to Slavery: Direction, Ethnicity and Mortality in the
Atlantic Slave Trade ( London, 1997), pp. 122- 45.
This is one academic
dispute of which
everyone at CWF needs to be aware. Both sides make powerful arguments for their
respective positions, but evidence in support of one position or the other is just beginning
to be explored. This is almost certainly going to be one of the main areas of research in
the first decade or more of the new century, and many museum visitors are likely to
arrive with decided opinions about one or the other interpretations. This is just the sort of
material that shows up frequently in articles in The Washington Post, often with little
context and sometimes accompanied by overstated generalizations. There will be a
continuing need to provide that missing context.
To answer some of these anticipated questions, interpreters should optimally be
prepared, not just with some general knowledge of period West African history, but also
with more detailed information about the specific societies from which most enslaved
peoples transported to the Chesapeake came. Recent work on the trans-Atlantic slave
trade demonstrates that different North American colonies received quite different mixes
of African peoples. The most recent, concise summary of rates of importation and
geographic origins of forced migrants to the mainland colonies is Michael A. Gomez,
Exchanging Our Country Marks: The Transformation ofAfrican Identities in the
Colonial and Antebellum
South ( Chapel Hill, N.C., 1998),
chapter 2. Chapter 7 provides
an overview of possible cultural transmissions and transformations.
The different forced migration patterns and different mixes of peoples in colonial
Virginia and South Carolina overall is described in Philip D. Morgan, Slave
Counterpoint: Black Culture in
the
Eighteenth-
Century
Chesapeake &
Lowcountry
Chapel Hill, N. C., 1998), pp. 58- 101.
In` Ethnicity Among Africans in North America"
presented at" Transatlantic Slaving and the African Diaspora: Using the W. E. D. Du
Bois Institute Dataset of Slaving Voyages" conference in September 1998) and" New
Findings About the Virginia Slave Trade" ( forthcoming in the Summer 1999 issue of the
Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter), Lorena S. Walsh analyzes Virginia district naval
office records and demonstrates that markedly different mixes of forced African migrants
came initially into the various subregions of Virginia in the eighteenth century.
The full implications
of this new information
on unexpected
concentrations
of
African peoples from different parts of West and West Central Africa remain to be
explored. At this point what the new information does provide is a much better
understanding of the specific parts of Africa from which most forced African migrants to
Virginia came. Chesapeake historians have long known that the backgrounds of most
European settlers in the region are to be found in the British Isles and, for the Shenandoah
Valley, in the collection of small states that later became Germany. Now Virginia
historians can as confidently prioritize Senegambia, present day southeastern Nigeria, and
the West Central regions of Kongo and Angola as the places from which the majority of
forced African migrants to Virginia came, and thus the areas on which to concentrate.
Senegambia and Kongo/ Angola
were
major
sending
areas
in the 17th century, and
�4
significant numbers of peoples from these regions also arrived in various parts of Virginia
later in the 1700s. Peoples from southeastern Nigeria( the Bite of Biafra) were especially
prominent on Virginia' s lower peninsula and central piedmont.
For Senegambia, Philip D. Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial Africa:
Senegambia in
the Era
of the Slave Trade ( 2 vols; Madison, Wis., 1975) remains
comprehensive study. Also useful are George Brooks, Landlords and Strangers•
Ecology, Society, and Trade in Western Africa, 1000- 1650( Boulder, Co., 1993);
the most
James
Searing, West African Slavery and Atlantic Commerce: The Senegal River Valley, 17001860( Cambridge,
1993);
and Boubacar Barry, Senegambia and the Atlantic Slave Trade
Pt ed. Paris, 1988; English
translation,
Cambridge,
Eng.,
1998),
chapters
1- 8.
Books
that address the Senegambian backgrounds of Africans brought to parts of North America
include Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, Africans in Colonial Louisiana: The Development of
Afro- Creole Culture in
the
Eighteenth
Century(
Baton Rouge, La., 1992),
chapter 2;
Lorena S. Walsh, From Calabar to Carter' s Grove: The History of a Virginia Slave
Community( Charlottesville, Va., 1997), pp. 55- 66; and Gomez, Exchanging Our Country
Marks,
3.
chapter
Interesting case studies of specific states in Senegambia include
Michael Gomez, Pragmatism in the Age ofJihad: The Precolonial State ofBundu
Cambridge,
1991);
London, 1997);
Donald R. Wright, The World and a Very Small Place in Africa
and Adrian Adams, A Claim to Land by the River: A Household in
Senegal, 1720- 1994 ( Oxford, 1996).
For
the
Ibo ( or Igbo) of
southeastern
Nigeria, Douglas Brent Chambers, "` He
Gwine Sing He Country: Africans, Afro- Virginians, and the Development of Slave
Culture in Virginia, 1690- 1810" (
Ph. D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1996),
especially chapter 2, provides a masterful synthesis of Ibo history and culture. Briefer
summaries appear in Walsh, From Calabar to Carter' s Grove, pp. 66- 80, and in Gomez,
Exchanging Our Country Marks, chapter 6 ( Ibo and Kongo/Angola).
For West Central Africa from an anthropologist' s perspective see Georges
Balandieri, Daily Life in the Kingdom ofthe Kongo: Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries
New York, 1968).
Recent histories include John Thornton, The Kingdom of Kongo:
Civil War and Transition, 1641- 1718 ( Madison, Wis., 1983); Anne Hilton, The Kingdom
of Kongo ( Oxford, 1985); David Birmingham, Trade and Conquest in Angola: The
Mbundu and Their Neighbors under the Influence of the Portuguese, 1483- 1790 ( Oxford,
1966); Joseph C. Miller, Kings and Kinsmen: Early Mbundu States in Angola ( Oxford,
1976); and Miller, Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade,
1730- 1830( Madison, Wis., 1986), chapters 1- 11.
The most comprehensive survey of the impact of both the American and transSaharan slave trades on different African societies is Patrick Manning, Slavery and
African Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African Slavery( Cambridge, Eng., 1990).
�5
Philip Hamilton examines how and why the Tucker family came to effectively repudiate
emancipation after the turn of the nineteenth century in" Revolutionary Principles and
Family Loyalties: Slavery' s Transformation in the St. George Tucker Household of Early
National Virginia," William and
Mary Quarterly,
LV ( 1998): 531- 556.
In this setting, St. George Tucker' s human property presented him with an
unresolved
dilemma.
The sale of slaves through William Haxall in 1796- 1797
demonstrates that Tucker still regarded African Americans as key to his family' s financial
health. Because so much of their capital was human, he had to make the most effective
use of this " property" as possible. Love for and loyalty to his children demanded no less.
As a member of the economic elite, Tucker also understood that slaves equaled prosperity
and status. To deprive the next generation of such assets through manumission might
its future rank and power—
something he, a devoted father, could not do.
Even so, Tucker' s allegiance to the natural rights ideology of the American Revolution
undermine
remained undiminished.
Despite the inherent contradiction
in liberal thought, Tucker
maintained the dual notion that blacks, by nature, deserved freedom and that all property
rights were intrinsically sacred. The Dissertation on Slavery should be viewed primarily
as an attempt to reconcile these two dimensions of Lockean thought. The proposal
permitted Tucker, perhaps unconsciously, to walk a middle line between his
responsibilities as a father and his convictions as an American Revolutionary. If adopted
according to his extended timeline, both loyalties could be served: his family' s human
property would be protected well into the next generation while Virginia would fulfill its
Revolutionary promise.
Following the General Assembly' s rejection of his plan, attitudes about slavery
began to shift both in the Tucker family and among the state' s white population. After
Tucker'
and
s
even
Dissertation
on
the tentative
moves
Slavery
was
toward
tabled, " it was almost as if a line had been crossed
reform
ended."
Proponents of slavery' s
continuation began to win the debate, because white Virginians in general reconciled
themselves to the institution' s permanence. The reasons behind this shift are several:
first, from the Revolution' s conclusion to 1810, slaveowners saw the number of African
Americans throughout the Tidewater nearly double. Although such growth undoubtedly
added to estate valuations, it also fueled fears that one day whites would become a
distinct minority in the state. If that occurred, many concluded, discipline could be
maintained and insurrections avoided only through the creation of a garrison state. Amid
this demographic explosion, Tucker' s apprehensions mounted. During the Quasi- War of
1798, Tucker feared that France was preparing to land" an Army of Negroes, from St.
D[ omingue]" led by " military Officers of the same Complexion" somewhere along
America' s southern coast. If this occurred, he bleakly predicted, it would likely " produce
a
general Insurrection of Slaves," resulting in" the separation of the [ United] States, and
perhaps in the Subjugation of the Southern part of the Union."
Two years later, Tucker and other Virginia planters discovered the slave Gabriel' s
massive conspiracy to overthrow the institution. The passionate expressions of slaves
captured and heading for the gibbet revealed with exceptional force that African
Americans had imbibed the Revolution' s ideology and were keenly aware of the
411
�6
injustices perpetrated against them. John Randolph, Jr., St. George Tucker' s youngest
stepson, attended some of the interrogations and was aghast. The slaves, he wrote,
exhibited a spirit, which, if it becomes general, must deluge the Southern country in
blood. They manifested a sense of their rights, and contempt of danger, and a thirst for
revenge which portend the most unhappy consequences."
Thus, by 1800, the Tuckers and other members of the elite believed that Virginia
and their place in it were imperiled. Despite the previous decade' s improvement, the
Tidewater economy remained largely stagnant. Virginia' s agrarian way of life and
republican government seemed under assault from corrupt politicians to the north and
lowborn social climbers from within. Worst of all, the state' s slaves were increasingly
numerous, ill disciplined, and rebellious. Amid such potential chaos, many concluded
that emancipation, or even its open discussion, would only cause further dislocation.
Around the turn of the century, therefore, the Tucker family made its peace with slavery.
Even as members continued vaguely to hope for emancipation, they resigned themselves
to its permanence. By 1803, St. George had come to label his Dissertation on Slavery a
Utopian ideal" and to confess that he was" without any sanguine hope, that it will
receive
countenance."
Domestication and sentimentalism began to spread soon after most Virginians
retreated from reform. When the Tuckers started to consider their property rights and
labor efficiency, they had to explain ( to themselves and to the outside world) why natural
rights and freedom no longer applied to African Americans. They tried to do it in a way
that would allow them to escape the obvious charge of hypocrisy. In short, the Tuckers
sought rationalizations to justify chattel slavery. Like many southern planters unwilling
to sacrifice their interests, the Tuckers redefined blacks downward on the scale of
humanity, portraying them as beings inherently unfit for freedom. They came to consider
African Americans inferior souls who needed white benevolence to survive.
And, as
white benevolence became a key component of slavery, the institution was
sentimentalized
and domesticated—
further justifying its continuation.
In the home,
slaves ( especially favored household servants) could be treated better in hopes of making
them more submissive and obedient. At the same time, white owners could congratulate
themselves on their increased compassion for the poor helpless creatures.
The Tuckers' efforts to come to terms with slavery from the Revolution to the
Missouri crisis reveal a great deal about early national Virginia. Their story explains how
one influential family ( and probably others) struggled with the profound tensions and
contradictions in the nation' s founding ideology.
understood
that
slavery and natural
rights
could
Like many Virginians, the Tuckers
not coexist
for any length of
time.
�7
Adjustments had to be made. Once reform had failed, definitions of freedom and liberty
needed to be narrowed, especially to protect family interests in difficult economic times.
The family' s experiences also illustrate the pervasiveness of slavery. The institution
touched all aspects of the Tuckers' lives, from politics to social status to economics to
family concerns. The interplay of slavery with these issues created powerful pressures
not only to accept the institution but also to sentimentalize and domesticate it. Moreover,
for bondage to make sense in a land of liberty, family members had to dehumanize
African Americans and
redefine
them
as
lesser humans—
as children—
who could never
cope in this rapidly changing and bewildering republican society. Finally, this
transformation in the Tucker family points to how and why early nineteenth- century
southerners discarded the nation' s founding principles in favor of a profound
conservatism that sought to advance both slavery and agrarian interests. Indeed, the
Tuckers' actions and beliefs reveal that the true dynamics of slavery, disunion, and civil
war
were
rooted, not in South Carolinian"
reaction,"
but rather in Jeffersonian
liberalism."
Source:
Hamilton, "
Transformation
Revolutionary
in the St. George
Principles
Tucker
and
Family Loyalties: Slavery' s
Early National Virginia," pp. 540-
Household of
542, 543, 545, 556.
Wayne llawkins—"
Local slave was a patriot to be honored"
James Armistead of New Kent County was a slave who helped free America from
its British masters. After the Revolutionary War, Armistead gained his freedom.
Now a descendant is on a mission to win wider recognition for the hero and
patriot.
Armistead' s master was the commissary feeding American and French soldiers.
Armistead served meals to the soldiers camped in Hampton Roads.
He offered to do much more. Armistead volunteered to spy on the British in
exchange for his freedom.
Gen. Marquis de Lafayette needed information on the British fleet docking in
Norfolk. Armistead, a tall black man in his early 30s, assured Lafayette that he could get
the information.
The British, Armistead said, will think he is merely an escaped slave
and pay no attention to his movements.
I can row my boat back and forth over Hampton Roads at night, and no one will
see
me,"
he said.
Armistead did. He counted ships, sailors and guns and briefed the revolutionists.
In the meantime, Armistead' s movements did catch the eye of the British.
They were impressed with his knowledge of the area.
They
asked him
to spy on the
Americans.
�8
Armistead agreed. But his acceptance was a trick. He gave British Gen. Charles
Cornwallis and his ground forces misleading information that got them trapped by Gen.
George Washington and Lafayette' s forces at Yorktown.
Armistead' s intelligence allowed the French Navy to cut off British ships. That
prevented a clean getaway for Cornwallis. The British surrendered.
Nearly five years after Yorktown and a year before the U. S. Constitution was
written, Armistead was declared a free man in 1786 by a special act of the Virginia
Legislature.
He adopted the surname Lafayette in honor of the French General who
recommended his freedom. James Armistead Lafayette ( 1748- 1832) lived out his days in
New Kent with his wife and son.
Since 1994, Virginius Bray Thornton III, the great- great- great- great grandson of .
Armistead and a West Point native, has been writing hundreds of letters encouraging
people to endorse a commemorative U. S. Postage Stamp honoring James Armistead
Lafayette, the former slave, spy, patriot.
Thornton is urging supporters to write to the Citizens Stamp Advisory Committee,
475 L' Enfant Plaza SW, Room 4474E, Washington, D. C., 20260- 6347. The committee
recommends who goes on commemorative stamps. Thornton said it often takes about
three to four years to get a stamp approved.
Thornton, 63, is a history professor at Massachusetts Bay Community College.
He said his grandfather told stories about James Armistead, but it took an August 1994
article in Military History magazine titled " Slave turned double agent James Armistead
Lafayette risked his life for America'
s
freedom— and eventually his
own,"
that convinced
him to act.
Recognizing Armistead as a national historic figure, Thornton said, was long
overdue. "
No one
Thornton
was
saying, `
Let' s do something.'"
says he has sent about 2, 000 letters to civic and academic
leaders.
He
has received about 200 responses so far. They include encouragement from Bill Bradley,
Pat Schroeder, the governors of Maryland, New York, Arkansas and Alabama, the
University of Virginia and University of Florida and historian John Hope Franklin, who
called the Armistead story " a well- documented and accepted event by historians."
Meanwhile, New Kent is preparing to erect a lasting memorial to James
Armistead Lafayette. And, of course, Lafayette High School in Williamsburg was named
in honor of both Lafayettes.
John Crump, a member of the New Kent Historical Society, said last fall that a
historical marker was created. Residents are ready to plant it in a spot on Courthouse
Circle in New Kent Courthouse. They are waiting for the county to finish paving the
sidewalks at the site.
The historical society is to meet on 2 p. m. April 18 and give an update on the
project.
Daily Press, Sunday, April 11, 1999. See p. 484 in the " Enslaving Virginia"
Resource Book for the letter that Lafayette wrote to assist James Armistead in his quest to
gain his freedom and Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large, vol. 12, pp. 380- 381 for the
Source:
October 1786 legislation entitled " An act to emancipate James, a negro slave, the
property of William Armistead, gentleman."
1111
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. April 22, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-04-22
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/3adb94a44fceffd288d8fc49e50ed33f.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=tBZY2LQi0oUe0mI2zL1r5B-Qm2c9MOfx3F5GF738XnE0gpa%7EiJiw12hdrBcZfN9l5eJk3Ft9DnFknxhELMBBv0sWtO9z47NPKBEGMpBnAuOBMnVH7yfEYY9zky-ttGnmbB8npfdGgTlP6QZS%7ECyUewX-rw5APElZt9r9-Cy6IufhyMSQQ4Y15jl4OFJBHBe2V1OVPxUZHi6mYYUniYAwz-6c0dCZSMTZAvhmDrCqSyjiFgt9xnpJkY-JUvQBsMseU8vuzCn6DlW5I2cZ5XHgSg9hZjIFAWEvVXXUmrgoXDtiC%7ErMdOgxXo05fL-Hya1A5PsMWHGg9mBEn2mOhK0waQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
840e3f2ac8bbe4a056a6f7f936b73d4a
PDF Text
Text
s--
The Network
March 18, 1999
The second issue of" The Network"
includes information
about the number of free blacks
in the Williamsburg area in the 1770s and the 1780s, Williamsburg slaves who were
emancipated
between 1723 and 1782, births/ baptisms of free black children in the Bruton
Parish Register, the binding out of mulatto children by the parish vestry, slave surnames
and possible connections to free blacks, and a free black musician hired to play at the
balls given by Lord Botetourt.
The Number of Free Blacks in the Williamsburg Area in the 1770s and 1780s
It is difficult to determine the number of free black men, women, and children
who lived in Williamsburg and the surrounding rural area before the American
Revolution because only one census of Williamsburg survives ( 1775) and this document
does
not
indicate
whether
blacks
were
free
or
In 1775, a total of 986 blacks
enslaved.'
Williamsburg ( 52% of the town' s population).
lived in
Blacks
Whites
505
Males
Tithes
327
Under 16
178
469
Males
Females
389 •
Total
894
Tithes
263
Under 16
206
Females
517
986
Kevin Kelly' s directory of the heads of Williamsburg' s households in 1775 includes six
free blacks:
Adam Waterford(
shoemaker),
Edith Cumbo ( worked for William Trebell in 1764), Joseph Cooper, and
a cooper),
Nanny
Jones (
a
laundress),
John Rawlinson ( a
Betty Wallace.
The 1782 Williamsburg Census noted that there were 722 whites and 702 blacks
in 182 households in the city. An additional fifty-one individuals were lot owners. The
census included the designation of" free" after the names of four women who headed
households, an indication that they were free women of color:
Name
Whites
Blacks
Lots
Sally Carter free
Nanny Jones free
0
1
0
0
3
0
Elizabeth Derozario
Betty
The 1775
111
Hunter.
Williamsburg
free
Wallace free
Census is contained
0
3
0
0
4
0
in The Virginia Almanack. . .
1776, printed by Dixon and
�t
2
Nanny Jones, Elizabeth Derozario, and Betty Wallace had other free people of color who
lived with
the
entire
them.
A total of
population
households in
town).
of
free blacks ( 1. 6% of the black population and . 8% of
Williamsburg) lived in these four households ( 2. 2% of the
eleven
The census also noted that Adam Waterford owned one lot in
Williamsburg and that William Cole paid the tax on one lot held by the estate of his
father- in- law, John Rawlinson. Neither Waterford nor Cole were described as being free
men of color on this census.
There was at least one woman, known from other sources to be a free black, who
was not designated by either race or status on the census. She was Edith Cumbo who
appeared on the census as the head of a household with two whites. 2 It is possible that
four other females on the list were also free women of color:
Name
Blue
Betty
Polly Cary
Sucky Chambers
Peggy Sweat
Whites
Blacks
Lots
5
4
0
1
0
0
4
0
0
4
0
0
If all of the individuals in these five households were free people of color, the count of
free blacks in
Williamsburg
population, 2. 2% of the
in 1782 would have been thirty- one ( 4. 4% of the black
population of Williamsburg; and 4. 9% of the households).
entire
There is no additional information about Edith Cumbo, Betty Blue, Polly Cary, Sucky
Chambers, or Peggy Sweat in the York County Court records. It is possible that the four
females rented lots on the James City County side of Williamsburg. Unfortunately, they
did not appear on the 1783, 1784, or 1786 Williamsburg Personal Property Tax Lists.
There was a small free black population in the city limits of Williamsburg.
However, a number of free people of color lived along the road to Queen' s Creek and
along the creek itself. Runaway advertisements indicate that free blacks lived near
Queen' s Creek. In November 1771, David Ross informed readers of the Virginia Gazette
that sixteen- year old Jemima" was brought up in Williamsburg, and has Relations upon
Queen' s Creek, it is probable that she may be harboured thereabouts." Two years later,
John Armistead of Mecklenburg County and Lockey Collier both believed that their
runaway slaves— James and Len, respectively— might be hiding in Yorktown or
Williamsburg, or at Queen' s Creek. In October 1775, Samuel Portlock, the jailer of
Norfolk County, announced that one of his prisoners was a man named William Parrott
who claimed he was a free man. Parrott also told Portlock that he was born about a mile
from Williamsburg. In 1777, John Seawell of Gloucester County, the owner of a
2 It was common for a free black man' s tithe to be recorded in the" white" column instead of the" black" or
negro" column of personal property tax lists recorded before 1820. In these instances," white" indicated
one' s status as a
free man and"
black"
or"
negro"
indicated
one'
s status
as
an
enslaved
man.
�3
runaway slave named Jacob, noted that it was" more than probable that he may be lurking
about Queen' s Creek, being much acquainted with the free mulattoes in that
neighbourhood,
and perhaps
change
his dress and
endeavour
to
pass for
a
freeman."'
It is
probable that John Custis purchased land near Queen' s Creek for" his boy Jack" because
of the location of the property. It is known that seven of the eight lots that John
Rawlinson owned at the time of his death were at Capitol Landing on Queen' s Creek. 4
The 1784 York County Personal Property Tax List and the 1784 James City
County Personal Property Tax List include the names of free men and women of color
see Table 1 and Table 2).
Nine of the forty- five free blacks in York County owned a
slave and one of the nine free blacks in James City County had an enslaved laborer in
1784. Two free black
residents
of
Williamsburg
were
slave
owners—
Lydia Cooper and
John Rawlinson.
Williamsburg Slaves Who Were Emancipated Between 1723 and 1782
Five Williamsburg slaves were freed by the Governor and the Council between
1723 and 1782. On April 18, 1744, John Custis petitioned to free" his Negro Boy Slave
Christened John but commonly called Jack born of the body of his Negro Wench Young
Five years later, in July 1749, Governor Gooch secured freedom for one of his
Alice."
slaves, a man named Captain Jack, before he returned to England. Matthew Ashby
gained the freedom of his wife Ann and their children John and Mary in November 1769.5
Births and Baptisms of Free Black Children in the Bruton Parish Register
The parents of seventy- four free black children had the birth/ baptism of their sons
and daughters recorded in the Bruton Parish Register between 1744 and 1790. Forty- two
of the seventy- four free black children had the names of both free parents of color listed
3 Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 14 November 1771, 1 July 1773, and 12 August 1773; ibid.,
Purdie, ed., 13 October
1775 and 7 November
1777.
4 Penuel Penny purchased the lots at the sale of Rawlinson' s estate in 1780. See York County Wills and
Inventories( 23) 113- 114, recorded 16 May 1786; York County Deeds( 6) 176- 177, dated 25 March 1783
and recorded 15 September 1783.
5
of the Council of Colonial Virginia, 6 vols.,( Richmond:
Virginia State Library, 1927- 1966) 5: 141, 298; 6: 334- 335. See also pp. 209( John Custis and Jack), 603605 ( Matthew Ashby) in the Enslaving Virginia Resource Book.
H. R. Mcllwaine,
et al., eds., Executive
Journals
It appears that Custis did not claim that Jack had provided meritorious service. In 1752, after the death of
Custis and Jack, the York County justices of the peace noted that they found" no meritorious service of the
sd John
otherwise
Judgments
Jack
and Orders(
was ever
suggested
2) 26- 27, 18
May
or made
1752.
to appear to the governor
and council."
York County
�4
in the parish register. It is possible that the twenty-one children who had only the name
of their mother listed in the Bruton register were born to a free mother and an enslaved
father( see Table 3).
Binding Out of Mulatto Children by the Parish Vestry
The clerk of a parish vestry recorded the indenture of a mulatto child bound out
by a parish vestry. Unfortunately, the vestry records for Bruton Parish do not survive.
The two indentures that follow involve free mulattoes who lived in New Kent County.
This Indenture Made this Twenty Eight Day of July in the Year of our
Lord Christ One thousand Seven hundred
Eight Between Wm. Basset
Thirty&
Jno Richardson of ye Parish of Blessland in ye County of New Kent
Gent: &
Churchwardens
on
the
one
part&
Wm.
Hockaday
of the Parrish&
County
aforeSd. on the other part Witnesseth that the aforeSd Churchwardens doth Bind
unto
the Said Wm.
Hockaday
his heires Exrs. &
Adminrs. three Mulato Bastard
Lucrecia Macklin, ye Children of Margett
with him or them to Serve after the manner of Such Servants From ye
Children, Named Thos. Winnefrit&
Macklin, &
day of the
during all
date hereof, For&
which
term
during ye full term of time as the Law directs,
ye Said Servts. their Said Master his heirs&
c Faithfully
shall Serve, his or their Lawfull Commands every where gladly do. They shall do
no damage to their Said Master nor see it done by others without letting or giving
Notice thereof to their Said Master, But in all
shall &
things
as
faithfull &
will behave themselves to their Said Master his heirs &
honest Servants
c during the Said
term of time as the Law directs. And the Sd. Wm Hockaday his heirs Exrs. &
Admrs. & c is to find& allow unto his Said Servants a Sufficien[] quantity of diet
Cloathing & Lodging with all necessaries fitting for such Servants during the Said
term In Witness whereunto the Parties to this Indenture have set their hands &
Seals the
day&
date firs []
Sign' d Seal' d&
In the Presence of
Francis
above written
Deliver' d
W Bassett
us
John Richardson
Cook
Benja Richardson
William Hockaday
Fras Ratcliffe
William Hogg
THIS INDENTURE
WITNESSETH
That Thruston James and Burwell
Bassett Gent. Churchwardens of the Parish of Blisland in the County of New Kent
have put and placed a Mulatto Boy named Billey about twelve months old ( Son of
Winney Macklin a Mulatto Servant of James Pride Esqr and born during the time
of her servitude) in the said Parish, Apprentice and Servant to the said James
Pride of the Town and
County
of York Esqr with him his Executors,
�5
Administrators and Assigns to dwell and serve untill the said Billey shall attain
the Age of thirty one Years according to the Act of Assembly in that case made &
provided( being the time his said Mother was by Law obliged to serve) during all
which time the said Billey his said Master and his Assigns shall faithfully serve in
all Lawful business according to his power and ability, and honestly orderly &
obediently in all things demean and behave himself towards his said Master and
his Assigns during the time aforesaid. And the said James Pride doth covenant
and grant for himself his Executors Administrators &
Assigns to and with the said
Churchwardens and their successors for the time being and every of them by these
presents, that he shall and will during all the said term aforesaid find provide and
allow the said Billey sufficient meat, drink, apparel and all other things necessary
fitting a Servant of his condition so that he shall not be any ways a charge or
chargeable to the said Parish or the Parishioners of the same, but of and from all
charges concerning him shall and will save the said Parish and Parishioners
harmelss and indemnified during the said term shall and will pay and allow the
said Billey his freedom dues according to Law IN WITNESS whereof the parties
to these presents have hereunto interchangeably set their Hands and affixed their
Seals this 11 Augt day of 1759
Burl Bassett
Thruston James
James Pride6
Several members of the Macklin family also lived in Bruton Parish( see Table 3).
Slave Surnames
and Possible Connections
to Free Blacks
Recent research on nineteenth-century Virginia indicates that the majority of
slaves did have surnames, usually different than those of their masters and that most
masters chose not to use these surnames. The conventions of the slaveholding culture
influenced masters to hide the surnames of their slaves. John T. Kneebone, Director of
Publications and Educational Services at the Library of Virginia, included information
about slave surnames in a recent posting to the Virginia History discussion list on the
interne:
The minute books of the First African Baptist Church, Richmond,
contain thousands
of names of slaves who were baptised, had their church
membership transferred, or required discipline for transgressions.
their masters are also given.
80%—
1841- 1860,
The
vast
majority of
slave
surnames—
The names of
upwards of
differ from those of the master. Only a tiny fraction of the slaves listed in
the church minute books have only a given name.
6 C. G. Chamberlayne, ed., The Vestry Book and Register ofSt. Peter' s Parish New Kent and James City
Counties,
Virginia 1684- 1786,(
Richmond:
Division of Purchase
and
Printing,
1937), pp. 678- 681.
�6
The Library of Virginia is preparing to publish a biography of Henry ' Box'
Brown( see the Spring 1999 issue of Virginia Cavalcade for his escape from
Richmond in
a
box).
Henry Brown was born at the Louisa County plantation of
John Barret, and went to William Barret, a son and Richmond
tobacco
manufacturer, by inheritance. He married a slave woman named Nancy, who
appears in the First African Baptist Church minutes as Nancy Brown, identified
also as the slave of Mr. Cottrell, a detail confirmed in Brown' s 1851 Narrative.
Thus, it appears that when slaves married, women could take the surname of their
husband and be known by that name.
But, if whites did know the full names of their slaves, conventions prevented them
from identifying them that way. I have compared the accounts of fugitive slaves
from Virginia given in William Still' s Underground Railroad with reports and
advertisements in the newspapers. More often than not, Still identifies the
fugitives with both given names and surnames, while the advertisements placed
by the fugitives' masters identify them by given name only.
In Charles Dew' s excellent book, Bond ofIron: Master and Slave at Buffalo
Forge, there is the story of a slave, a master ironworker, whose name in the
records over the years goes from just the given name to a full name, with identity
through the surname for his family, too. Dew rightly sees this as evidence of
assertion, of a successful claim to personality, and even a political act.
On the other hand, the denial of full names in the records and the newspapers
seems to me to fit the sociologist Orlando Patterson' s explanation of slavery as
social death.""
The Bruton Parish Birth and Baptism Register contains the names of fifty- three slaves
who
were
listed with
surnames (
see
Table 4).
Several of the slaves had surnames that
found in the free black community in the Williamsburg
Jones, Lewis, Poe, Wallace, and Roberts ( see Table 3). It is
were
area—
Jasper, Williams,
possible that these enslaved
boys and girls had a free black father and that their master allowed their enslaved mother
to name them. The surnames of other baptised slaves might be the surname that an
enslaved father shared with his wife and children.
Free Black Musician Hired to Play at Balls Given by Lord Botetourt
published in 1856), noted that
one of the musicians who played at balls given by Lord Botetourt was a black man.
Samuel Mordecai'
s
Richmond in
By
Gone Days(
John Kneeebone, posting to recipients of the Virginia History List, 13 February 1999.
r
�The most prominent member of the black aristocracy of my early years
Gilliat, ( probably Simon, or Cyrus)
the word,) at the balls and dancing parties.
was
Sy.
the leading violinist( fiddler was then
He traced his claim to position to the
days of vice-royalty, having held office under Lord Botetourt when governor, but
whether behind his chair or his coach, is in the mist of obscurity.
Sy. Gilliat flourished in Richmond in the first decade of this century, and I
know not how many of the last. He was tall, and even in his old age( if he ever
grew old,) erect and dignified. When he appeared officially in the orchestra, his
dress
was
an
silk coat and vest of faded lilac, small
embroidered
clothes, (
he
would not say breeches,) and silk stockings, which rather betrayed the African
prominence of the shin-bone, terminating in shoes fastened or decorated with
large buckles.
This court- dress was coeval with the reign of Lord Botetourt, and
probably part of the fifty suits which, ( according to the inventory he left)
constituted his wardrobe; to complete this court costume, Sy. wore a brown wig
with side curls and a long queue appended. His manners were as courtly as his
dress, and he elbowed himself and his fiddle- stick through the world with great
propriety and harmony.
Belonging to the vice- regal family, Sy. belonged of course to the Church
of England; this
was
one
qualification for
the office
of
sexton, (
not grave- digger,)
and his residence being very near the church in Richmond, was an inducement for
the wardens to confer on him the appointment; although strict constructionists
might have considered, like Ephraim Smooth, that he was " a man of sin, rubbing
the
hair of the horse against
the
bowels of
the cat;"
he filled the office for some
time, but was impelled to resign it in a fit of unrighteous indignation, excited by
hearing that he was suspected of partaking of the wine without the other
ceremonies of the sacrament.
His declaration, that he had drunk Lord Botetourt' s
best wine long before his accusers knew the difference between Malaga and
Malmsey, whilst it vindicated Sy.' s connoisseurship, did not obtain for him
absolution from the charge, and he left the service of the church highly indignant.
Sy. could not have many associates without compromising his dignity, for
there were few of the old aristocracy remaining; but in addition to those few, he
permitted the intimacy of some of the leading stewards, coachmen, and head
cooks of the best families.
His contemporary, Bob Cooley, had also served the nobility at
Williamsburg, and when that city lost its pre- eminence, Bob was fain to follow a
republican governor to Richmond, where for many years he was intrusted with the
keys of the capitol, and flourished his besom over its floor and furniture. His
court- dress was a time- honored suit of black velvet, ample in skirts and flaps.
If Sy. was the Chesterfield, Bob might be called the Burleigh of his day.
Sy. acquired his courtly and elegant demeanor by frequenting balls and parties,
and Bob his solemn deportment by attending in council chambers and courts of
justice. By dusting the judge' s cushion he seemed to have acquired the solemn
aspect of the dignitary who sat on it. Bob did not, however, attach a handle to his
r
�8
to indicate the
dignity of office— but one was assumed by his successor,
who appended the initials K. K. C., indicating keeper of the keys of the capitol.$
name,
411
It is possible that the" Sy Gilliat" in Samuel Mordecai' s account was Simon Gillett, a
member of the free black Gillett family who lived in Bruton Parish in the eighteenth
century. Another member of the Gillett family, Reuben, worked at the Governor' s Palace
for thirteen days in 1770. Perhaps " Fiddler Billy" also played at the balls that Lord
Botetourt gave at the Palace. Fiddler Billy was one of the slaves whom Henry
Wetherburn owned when he died in 1760.
of the
estate
of Wetherburn'
s
In 1773 Benjamin Weldon, the administrator
heir( Edward Nicholson),
hired Fiddler Billy to William
Fearson, a dancing master in Williamsburg.
8 Samuel Mordecai, Richmond in By Gone Days,( Richmond, 1856), p. 357; see also, Mary N. Stanard,
Richmond, Its People and Its Story,( Philadelphia, 1923), p. 92.
r
�S
F-
,[
Q)
as
IL
Z
I—
m
O CD
cz
Y
oc
r ti
.
cy
L2
EE
L
E
E
N
c
U)
a)
to
r
a)
C
a) -
L —CO
E .
co_FC
t
0 . c
Y
O
O
M
co in -
0
O
O—
O
0
22
OC
OC
2OC
0
O
0
O 0
v
0
O
0
c) O 3 t U c a)
. L a)
" rn
c U t ca
0
O
0
O
0
M
Tr
0
O
0
it
0
O
0
O —0
0
O
0
0
O
0
0
0
O
0—
0
0
0
O
sO=
0
O
0
e- - -
a)
v
c
cLa
N
oc
>,a+'
3
0
O ca
0
C6 .
v
13 s
•
a)
p
.
a .-
UE
3
V
2N c o
w
C
Ca LG
CU '
UL
4.
w
C CU = = = = 3
0)
CD
is_.)
a7 .
U
=
a
0
Q)
CD .
va)
0
c
i
C)
a)
0)
a)
C
o T n 5 a)
C
n
0c U
co
m
C
n
0c UL
.
g7
C
n
0c
C
v)
0.
o
)o E CNa
n
L-'0 E N
O3E
N ,o a
0
c.)
o ca
. C a)
_ =rn•
L U0O
.
a) %
a)
U)
a)
U a ca
.
E
=
tB
c.)
in
0 as -C Q)in
2 oC
a)
0
aa
c.)
L
>>
a)
cOL
a)
L
0 L_
H
r ca
0
ta U 0 Ca
L a)Q,
O
0
N
o
t U t ca
L a)0.
0
O
0--
CO n 2oC
0
O,
O
M
0
O
O
O
M
O
O
r
O
j oL
0
C 0L
c.)
03E
0
O
0C
M
N
N—
N
0C
0
N
0
y L
L a)rn
O
a
y L
U c Ca
.
L
.
L
0L
0
O
to E
o.
a)
Cn
0
0c
L >
c,)
0
v)E 0 c
O
o = .
r—
0
cEa
Q CD
C)
o 0
aa 2 0
O
0
N
0 yN
n
Ip
O0
0
O
t' ca E N
E
Y a)
N.
0
c
O)
p.
O
0
ja
a)
U)
O
0 .
0 E
U
CZ
0
E
II
0 i au 07
Nt
0
E
E
UE
y_,
LO
0 -
Q)0^=
75
ma
C 10
Cl
76
0
0 - C .Y
Y
—
c4
(C
L co_O
a)
E a'
osC
c
0
N
a
>
0
v
to=
co E
a3 .
O C
M' W
d
Ca
r
,—
0 Ca L a)C
>+
Oi
. tE
0347
c..)
oO
03y
M
ja 20 C
0 Ca L a)
0O ja 2
. 0c
CO
02
. 0c
M,
O) —
O
O
O
0
O
O
O — 030 U
a as
_ Z =0
=
0
O
N
02
• 0C
0 20 C
0
O
O
C')
0
0
O
O
0
0
N
N
O'
N—
V
CT)
0
0
0
y-
o3y a
0 a7
.
CD0
030 U
a as
.
a)
03y U
c as
.
OV)
0
03
=o
.
U
' Z •U)
c-as
a)
0
a2
0 jjC
0C
jza 20 C
c
II
n
0c
�O
I co Q O =T
m
a)
Y
It
4-.
o
C
z
>
I—
c
Y U
O
>.
co
eu
EL
O
cn =15.
0
c
L
(
L
i 0
1—
w 0 ca
y
a)
p
T
0
O
T
0
O
to
T
0
m V)
T
T
O
o
o
to
O
a)
N
O
a)
O
O
a)
O
a)
ati
E . = •'
rts ri L O 0.CD t
a)
oO
UF 0
a tQ L
.N
0
N
ati
ca
ra
yo
LE
tN 0
N2
3
LL
c=
v
c>
c'
u .
No
dd
Z eEv
CZ
0CIS .
c
0o
o
O`n
Nao
m
co
vs
a)
Y to
O 02
.
O
O
O
O
T
ll)
0
O
N
T
0
O
0
O
02
-
T
0
O
Co
N
0 .
O
T
O
T
N
02
T
O
O
O
N
23
T
o
O
0
T
V)
C
0 = = .
0
o_
-
d
CO
V
VO
CO
Cti
N
d CD
=
y..
CO
T
0
O
O
0
v-
T
0
T
0
as
T
o
a>)
O
O
O
T
N
T
T
0
T
0
o_
3as cv
V
c°
Os
NC t
L 4)CO
L
2
Li A
' O p,t
N CQ
O.
V 17
VS
.
co c
=N
c°
aa))
LY '
cmt N
E CDto
CON
TT
O 0 . N Nc
0
cor-
Cl)
y
Q
O 0.. O L
7
0 . 0.O L
coLvT
0
C
cE
0.O L c E
N
C
E
o
A
o
c.)
C
cE
o
7 d O L coE
o
0
or
7 00. L
d
L co E
cX
L CU E
O
N
E
coL 3 C c c
r
vs `
H MI 0
0.
yy
0
a)
3
0
Easo Y to
3s
Z
a)
o
0m cNcu
.
c)
c:)
0 N
02
.
0
I-
to
ct
T
c
JN
�F•
m
z
CU C
4+
CO
N E N..- O
0
V
,..
Y
LL L 0 m
m
C
C
a
m
Z
d)
OS (
0 N
C (
0
C (
0
C
0
O3 (
0
C
0
013Uli
vov ^
!
a3i
0
n.
0 C.
t
0 tC.
t
0 OQ. (
t
0C
rcE2 .
ass
(
N
Z'
d
L
coErn OTL)
.
rn
0
N 0 ti
cC
to
N 0 00
o (
ti co CO
a (
CON (
ti 00
N
NO
o
O (()
UO
L
C) ()
7
0
7
0
E
V 03
'
O a)2 cC
03 8
00
NO
N
o
o
0
m
g €
0
4+
A,
70
O 6.
=
oo =
E
c
Cu
E
E
3
CIS
m
NV
T
i
0
c = N al
0
E O =t
a)
co
IC
(
E
CC
T
0 4)
(
o (
4o (
T
Cc
(
o
T
Cc
co (U)
T
cn 4Lo
to
a)N—
U
E
C))
c
E
c
00
E
E
w.
c
00
E
cLn
E
(
c
E
w
E
EC C
0E
,
M
°
n ate) E
L
n 4)E
6L.
co r N co
E
O)
L
ov —
w.
or
L
n
co l
N
N CO
O
N
N CO N(
O
y
NOO
o
0
N 00 .- N 00
N
ow
cn
v
o0
C))
0
O)
N 0)0
cO
(
o0
MN 0(
N co n
V
N
ai
Lu)
0315
.
0
c a)T
mo
0.
r-
0 o 0 aa))
°?
0NVN NN coM
0
'
II O
'
to
nn EE
4)
,
N co
co
CD L
CD L
r
CO M
r
NI,-CO00 OOM
0V CO
.
mo
0V
pO
ccoo
on NE
c, 0
VW
L
r
c0T
0
2E
0E
0E
C
0E
co L
C
=
00
o
0 0
C
0 o0 0
c
o N 0 '0
C
7
2,
N c 0 V N Cc co
C))
L
o
0
N co
N .L
E
0
0
3,.
C))
ti 00 co
f)
m '
c)
C')
OL
uO)
' 0
m . N 4 N
N
N CO co
a QOc
nn..
U)
4 '= .
n
a)
a)
o
o
N O ( ti O O
N n (() N 00 M
C
f
N O) ( ti O (
N
E
w.
La)
Z'
w.
L°
EsLtcralo°
m . N
E
L
c•
0
cMII
o
No .
1-
co a)
E €a) o =o•
.
_N
' CU
No (
E
0fn
L
coca (
N
o
co (
E
0E .
NE .
0 -Ci
U) (()
00
E 0t
-
C., (
N co
N V- •-- N
c`
lL coo
(>rL .
t ce W
U)
I
c
Etc
3m4) (
Eo >
N
M
N
N
cao
ao
E
3
U0
a)
E
mL
a`)
o o?
°
o
E
0 O7. (
C
E
E
E
...
C .
C)L
E
CM
E „_
03 N
CC (N
E
E
E
cC N
m
x
w.
C
0 co 'C 0
a)
oE C
N
c
c.)
a)
n
o o 0 a`
O
NI,-CO pin
cu
as E
7S
0 >
LV
a)
-
E
0P
E
w.N
0 .?
O
N O CO (
II) c N E =
'
co
N c
T.;
v
LCD
N N-
N O CD
N 00
E
3N w E
0)
E
,
CO
E
w.
c
V
v)
Is-
m
0) 0 F L
a)
m
7 '.-0
I---
0)
L0
0)
0N
O)
•—, 0 co
I.
Enco
C
to O '-,
N
L
E
w.
E
w.
a)
F2
E
cocoa
02
E
a)
L
CO
ti d'
N CO N
a
N
CO CO
5
0N
m
EEE
m
0N
NC
c,
0
NCC0
O o c c0
.
0 F C.0 (
o) E
0
o)
Z`
E co
alE
f4N
n
N 00-
co
WC
0
c OL G
w.
O==
O)
0 (
o o
iv
E a'
m o p 03
Cl.)
a)
Cc
L ._, ,_
Ja
m -'
NOc
LmO
c
0
E
c
v
v)
wi
v-
E
Vm
V
CO
N
ID
I-
E
N-CD 00
CO U)
I--
c'-
d•
LE 0
rnT N as
E as LO
0
�ocu
f-
C/)
CO—
ZE
ta'x
n
0 c
0
E
0
0
a)m
x III
0
CV))0
. mC
o
0
CI)) •-
0
a)
3
O
0
OL
o
E
c
E
O .Z'
E
E
0
c
E
0
c
E
0
c
a)
E
C
c
a)
cV
-
E
0
c
a)
C L
E
C
c v).
o
0 >`
E
o
c
E
0
c
E
0
c
E
0
c
E
o
E
O
n anm
N
m
E E>,
c to 0
m
c N0
m ooN
CE
N CO r N
t_
N CO r
cm
M
N r
CO`
CO r
2 CO a">.,
Ecn .=
0 aE)0 Cr).
m
0N c
Z' 2
E CV 0
h-c 0 0 c_
E
o
Ew .
m0 ?,
w
oE °
EEL'
`
ID 0)
amoi
c
Ew
0 0)
co
O in
r`
CO N(
E ,
0)
r•
WcaELo
C rn
r`
r`
(
ECU
V)
a)
CO C7) m
E EoCo
01 `
oL
oL
-
o N[
y
co
o
Y -)
cc_
cc
E
O
N
Noa
-L
C CO
N
r
N O CO '
t•
r
N d'ct
N CO 00
ti CO
,
r-
CO (
r•
a)
m
E voi c ma)
co3
EEm2= o a)
oY
v
N
L a)
N
La
NN
N 00 N
r`
NI-CD
N
N-CO CO
r CO
ti CO r
rr
t`
u')
M
c
L
c
c
c
c '
m L0
y = ' 0'y
'>.L
O
N
E
c
T
'
>
v0 mn L2n > E Ea)
NN r
t`
C()
CO
m
o
t
t
CO
E
E
o
N cO r
t`
CO
r`
moo c
Nm
N N c c
Q CO
LE
o
m
C
o
r
0
C()
r`
n a`
coo (
1C
CO
Y_
coo
NL
a>)
o)
o)
tot
(
00 N
CA d•
(
0
t`
Em
L
vmi
m
voi
a)
o
EE
CO
v-
0
c
f
• CO
E
DM
Z O 4O.
a)
t`
v)
3
n
0
0
0
0
M
O(
E Ea)
L
d' (
h O M(
O
N.O
Cn
E
N r N- 3
E
NIA, r N- O
m >
r
r`
N- (
00
O
coo (
rC
oo
Y
0)
Y
m
caw
ova
o
mCT)
a)
E
n'
ac.
m
c0
..- .
CO Z'
o
r
U) CL.
CD
(
c
E °' °'
m 0
o
0 a) 0 0 cuEco
m CO
` S
C
cO
a)
C
NEm—_ >, E vo)
oY
ao_
E
E
c CO
r N CO
. .CO. . . .n'
E
y
L
0
N CO
CE) 0 .
oY
com
E m in a)
.
t
Em
a CO
0
L
C
E CO to
>+ ( C,
c
MC
C
c
CO L
V
c
.O
...E
. . m le
CO 03
(`
0
ncLi2
M .
CO
O
w.
c
E
Lc
om
r`
NM r
r O -
a
0
u.
CU Y c_
0
E
moo s
m
t`
t`
r Cn
T
t0
.
tIm) m L
>
c
Q
00
r`
4-
N
0m
0E
N N r N CO N
mE °m2
w
w
N 0 (
o
w
w
V
m
N
o 0 Cn
U)
a 0)
m
w.
a)
c
c
00
w.
fn 0 CO
12 7)v>
CD .
o0
m 6-
C)
E
0
E ,-
Cro
Q)
Ew
s-
2 . L
0
r O r N CC) O(
COo
E
m
Y •«+N
m
.."' >+
o
CO '
c to 0
Ew
Co >,
p
Oc0
0
Ec m 00
O LL
CO
C .
c
0
2a)
u
O
E Oc
>0
r
Ew
Cl t
o
co >
>-E
m
m2 Lr
a)
c
CO c a Cu CO Q.
L
20
L
m
E
c
c
c
3
0
c
3
c `
c ' ,r^
r
M
0
t
M C>
T
0
soL3cEv(
v
3 '
M t '3
3
v
O
s- t`
O O)
N
('
CO r
N.
U) r
r`
Nt r
t`
0
y
M(
Nt
0
CO
N
' Eo (
o
m a)
N r N CO N
0
m a)
M r N- CO
o
m a)
ti r
vm)
a)
er
r`
M r
r`
OW
t•
,-N
E
m
E
00
M
M
Ea
M r
c
m
m
O
u
3
v
=
t`
m Z'
a)
m
m
Nr r
o
E CO
C()
M r N.Nt
CCO
st
C`•
r F-CO 3
cc
8O
o
T
O
L
13
E
C1
Oc
�I-
CD
M _
m t
0. Co E
>=
CO
CC
mA
m
ZE 0
3
ToT
3
cn a)x
al °0 U CUCU
0 m
Co
U.
N
3CUCU
E4w.
=
1_
3NC •
C
3 O C CI)
mE
N el
E
Z
41 U
N COO
0
i2
tco 0vcEo`
C1 C
.
a)
t
YCD
N =
tT9
0
RS -
o
0 5
Ca E N
co
m
a
Z Cu"-E""
y
co ._
2
C
CC
v >,
d err
0 E- 3 - II E
0
U le
-0
E
tn
0
c
a)
ca.
sew
s
o
E4_
cc C
v0i .
O
Ca C .
3
f0
co C.
0
EcCnm' CD0
N.
CQ C. 0
CQ .7
0o
0t
c ,
a)
E.
E
0
cNt c
E
L
onc°
c
cY
E
c
C
N co
=
3
a+
L al .
0
L
c
Ca
wC
..
0
Hy
Or.
mw .
C. fir ,
r
E
n as
5V
a)
0 c.N
cu E Cn
E
Ew
E
O
E
en
0C
E
c
E
LE E
E
0
0
0
a
0
-
m2
EN
33
C
C
C6
j
mL
U)
3c
c0.
oN
.
w
V CIS
C
n
o
Z
L
CO N
CO N
d'
CO CO
T
N 0 :0
I-
a)
IV
ti CCOO
NI
I-
o
CCD
ti CCOO
>,
1c
' -)
I--
•
ani
.
CU
a)
c >
L
N.
CO
to
COCCOO
CO
N.
cc >
oiZ -)
A--
E " _L
vt'
co
N CCOO
N CCOO
0)
N CCOO
CO
N CO
QIiZE -) ELaE
I-
N In CO
E > >
tC3 -
E CU
3
0
caCDCU
Z
C
L
CO
C O CO
L
CO
N CO CO
I'
s CCOO
c >
I'
L
0o
ti CO
Nt
L
o
ti CN
0 >
CE .
0
N CO
o>.
1:
Z
,
t
to'a)
E 0
CI RI
c '
3a)
in
N CD
U
e.CD
0
rn
a)
CO N
CO r
A-
a
Nf
'
Eco ucnT. E L ° =
a)
Z -)
E -
=
L• o
car
I-
N r
eL
a>
o. C .Cn % C
COO co
6tw
acc >,
n 0a
_,
Co
V)D
an
a Ca L
O
CE °
.-00 - -
0
tT
wr
Cn
. C
o=
c
-
o
CC!
rt+ .
0
a"
CV al
CO r
-
mg ,) -yt
in ;.
CU L• 0
ca
caE
E
yi •
0 .0
U)
C
0
d' +
N a>
c.)
C
L
ce Q'
;,.,
V/ N L
+
E
c
a)
i
9
Co t
o
C
>
o) ° °
uC°
CC - Ca >, O
0
E CC!CA
a
a)
O
a
N
>,
M0
J
oC
U CU
.
I'
Cl)
L
CU
m3
C+ ` .
m
a)
R
w
nr
c"
3 N E in
Q 63
C
.
N =
a
3 roCO 0 E CCS
2
LL
r
a)
s CO
0)
3C
a)
a EOC
�I—
0 .as
a)
tn
J
•
N
a)
C mi
L c cII
c(/)
2o
L
m
O
C
a Cu 1 In
mC
Z 03
vx
a)
a)
0E
Cn 0 CO C
0E
co a 0 O
0E
Cn L CII E O
0E
cn 3
T.N
0C
L
oL
fC o CO E
E
0L
L a)U Y
E
co
Cc >
a)
a)
Q0
a) •
E O
0L
UC E 0
0L
U00
(' Y
0L
a)
o
17
CV
a)
I_
o
0
L
L co E N C '-
0
L
E
0
L
a>
E
E
E
CO .•
T?
2
L_+
E
o
2t
Ca C too
a)
E co)
L
a
a)
Q
a)
N
I co
o
0 >
as ` (
o)
O•)
va) CO`
E
2 CO
=
.:
E
a.0
E
E
L
3 C0
C CO
a)
0
L-
c0
'
E
c 0 1203
.
E
O
t
0O
0a
0 CO
3
0O
-
CO h
E
O i.
E
a)
E
0a
3
CO(
v
3
CO(
o —
3
3E
U0
,
EE
m
ccv "
E
E
C
Y
Qm
QO
r
Y
ca
C.))
Y to>,
7
Oc
a)
=
vv LO
:
QO
C
a)
a)
EO
0L
N-CO (00
N-O ti
N
a)
CO
CO
O
M)
CO
O
00
N-CO 00
3
L
t
00
0
C
5
G.
a)
NEE
Q a)
N
L
CV
a)
L
a) -)
Y
CC
L
v
E
Cr)L
O
N-CO co
a
o3 C c
N-CD (00
N-O CO (
'
N-CO
CO
N-CO O
°? _
N-CO (CA
P.-
I,-
O(
co
c O
0) 3 c
N-CO N-
Lo
E
QO
E
C
E
E
O
E
V)
E
•N( 0 0
cc c
=
O
OV
a)
o o)a)
0 a)
<Q'
a)
0.C
a)
a)
Oa
• c0j
I
CO
N-O IC)
ti CO CD
(
YN
a
Z.
Ef_
ccnno .,
cn
3
O-
OaE
O
N3U
a)
al
U a)
>>
a)
0E.
V
co a)
a)
3
C
a
as c
a)
a-,
L
L
a)
EOEL
OU)
O.
L
a)
j
CO CC)
a)
a)
cf
ti CO d•
o
a)
a)
CO
ti co r
V
V
I,-
a)
a)
N
2ILCOMZ-
LCE
CO. 3
>, > >'
?
JD
O
o
Z,
co CO
tico 00
L2
a)
E00
3
I`
a)L..
o L.U
NO
'
n
co)Y
CO .- ' N-O
o
O (C
0.
L
C
0
0 Z -) E E
c
00 a
_0
a)O
T
I.-.
U a)
CO0N
E
0c
0
N-CO co
CO
r-
U a)
>,E a)L
0 a)
-»
O co
3
a)
a
a)
O C a)
a)
co
c
N-CO NZ0
O co
a) •°
0.a)
I()
N-CO NC c a)
L
c(
0C
N-CO co
N-CO 03
a)
a) O E'
Ti.)
a)
Q
N-CO N-
a o)
(a .
1)
3C
I,-
CL c
.
a)
I-I-
L
OC0—
=
C
U E
EE
02 -) < <
'
a)
LO
ca)
N
a)..
I--
a)
o.a)
OL
a) ^
c0
U))
O
a)
L
O
V
Zo
CO CO
ti CO
OC
al E
Y
0 .
(
0
o)a)
O
u)a)o.
E
>, a.>,
C O
c0)
2
E = =
O to
=u)=
cu
7
n
Q
O
I,-
E
5 O E 03 L c
3
o
0
4_
7 a) 00
L OE m
L +=,
E
C
a) >,
E
0
C
L
Q
cc
E
CI)
T
E
-N
E 0 u)to Cn a)O C C)
Q
C
En
a)
o
a)
a)
02 o
QQ
-)C
cn
I-
I--
I,-
a)
o
_
as el
CO
OC •
LE
Cn
Oc
L
0
CC.
a)
3 >+E
.
L
s
as
Imo+
U) 0
I-
a)
n
0 03
.
E
U al>,
t a)
C
E Co Z''
os
3
E
o OV
E Co
.
L-
N C
E
CO ..
E Co E' `
t a)
E
w
02u.
L
E
a)
0N Q
'L
oG
pa
`
C"
ca
C
C=
0C
E
20
ce
E
a)
0) (
N-co CO
O
N-co ti
00
N-CO (03
e-
L
I-
Ps o
C() (
c°
9a C
CO
c)
I
I--
a)
1
M
O
d-
n
c
Q
a)
E0c
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network. March 18, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-03-18
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/bbbf00ac02647edca07948844d57094c.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=PWZW8yfKEFt3g6m1ISJsJoXalQGLSk5DV9PCVasAdH12LyMlC7Y-rxl8Z4BDPUuDF5D1TJaG%7E8JiBsqC--dA7Sov8t75r%7EgMWRvGHR2pZNL9PTZxIFLVkCYugYUqJhAphN7NhB4iPWWq3L9Q%7ER3Je1BxiiNtxb2fzJv%7EkjVp25g9n1aKDc3c1yk5z4cTjrfTkTDn8aTMe450lgCjA6q7Z290PcG%7EnM9s5maUd5nwXjOACEFJV%7EdczNkymTmhIW4ydtOwM-5dgHoPdepUW8kC71Sq8KVsh1kn2ak91HUVbZiMCHdqpntvZK7GZUscovd5Nz24EqTrnJfCCujMu8ImdQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
459169e71304884c836b051ff3640527
PDF Text
Text
The Network
February
18, 1999
The first issue of" The Network" includes answers to a request for additional information about
Carter' s Grove, the" Emancipation Chronology" from Robert William Fogel and Stanley L.
Engerman,
Time
the
Cross:
The Economics ofAmerican Negro Slavery, and a summary of
the population of Virginia and the United States in 1790.
on
Carter' s Grove
Lorena S. Walsh compiled the following information about the mansion outbuildings at Carter' s
Grove and enslaved carpenters
and domestics
at Carter' s Grove
I. Mansion Outbuildings
My best summary of the available information is as follows.
1.
II/
Prior to the construction of the present mansion, Carter Burwell' s domestic and agricultural
complex was likely located on the ridge near the archaeology museum. CW archaeologists
found the remains of two earthfast barns there, and around the same time other archaeologists
identified
sites
of
a
possible
dwelling
house and the
remains
of " other domestic structures"
nearby. This site may include structures dating to Robert" King" Carter' s ownership of the
property.
The possible dwelling house has not been excavated, nor a thorough archaeological
survey for other structures in this area undertaken.
2. Carter Burwell' s first buildings. From late 1739 or early 1740 on, Burwell paid various
carpenters and brick masons for unspecified" work" on the property. This included burning
multiple
kilns of bricks and some" work done about a Dairy" in 1743. Any other buildings being
constructed before 1750 are not identified, but since they were brick it is reasonable to suppose
these included outbuildings around the mansion.
3.
1970- 72 excavations.
a. A frame building with a brick chimney at the corner of the entrance road, one of two
structures in this area identified on Desandrouin' s 1782 map. Occupants and
function have not been identified.
b.
c.
h
19th
century dairy, with paving that may date to the 18' century.
h
unidentified 18` century building partly under the driveway.
d. a well adjacent to the kitchen.
e. a possible icehouse. This pit is thought to have been dismantled when the house was•
built, and
this
date
seems
to me too early
for
an
icehouse.
�f. a well adjacent to the slave quarter was located but not excavated
A map in Ivor Noel Hume' s, Digging for Carter' s Grove, gives the location of these structures.
4. Outbuildings listed on the 1798 James City County Continental tax assessment near the
mansion:
a. kitchen 38 x 20
b. laundry 38 x 20
c. dairy 12 x 16
d.
smokehouse
12 x 12
e.
store 30 x 20 ( probably near the kitchen)
f. old store 20 x 20
g. quarter 24 x 20. This is possibly a new quarter post dating the present reconstructed
complex. Presumably of wood, its location is unknown.
Elsewhere on the property were another dwelling house, presumably of wood, and 5 outhouses.
This complex has not been located. It was likely occupied by a general manager or an overseer.
There were four additional " houses" somewhere on the Carter' s Grove tract; in the context of this
tax list, houses could include any sort of substantial structure. These are not described, and their
value is collapsed with the value of the land. No barns or stables were enumerated as being on
the two acres surrounding the house. For speculations about the location of other farm buildings
Helen Byrd, and Mary Simpson, " The Discovery of Burwell' s Mill, Carter' s
see Alan Simpson,
Grove Plantation," ( Williamsburg, Va.), pp. 66- 68, copy in CWF Library.
II. Enslaved Carpenters at Carter' s Grove
Bedding and clothing issues for 1740- 45 identify 5 men:
Old Dick 1742 and 1745
Boy Dick 1740
Jack 1743 and 1745
Sam 1742; he was also given some cash by Burwell in 1745
Sancho
1741,
1743,
1745
In 1745 and 1749 these carpenters built two tobacco houses for other planters. Sancho and Sam
at least almost certainly worked on the mansion. Sam, there in 1742 and 1745, was later hired
out by the day in 1764 and was present at least until the early 1780s. In 1752 Sancho worked for
31 days in Williamsburg carpenter John Wheatley' s shop. Wheatley made the sashes for the
house, so Sancho must have been doing some fine work.
Other slaves working on the house would have included Lot, a hired slave who came to Carter' s
Grove in 1744 and 1750 to make brick, and men owned or hired by Warwick County bricklayer
Peter Sandefer and Williamsburg contractor James Skelton.
1111
�I think it questionable that the Sumpter who turned the banisters was a slave. Carter Burwell
identified other workmen, including one who was part of Wheatley' s operation and probably
white, by only one name. The fact that a payment of over£ 3 was made directly to Sumpter
suggests that whoever he was, he was a free man.
III. Domestics
at Carter' s Grove
The fullest accounting of domestics at Carter' s Grove is for Carter Burwell' s period. Eighteen
people
are
identified
as
being "
about
the
house" between 1740 and 1745.
It is unlikely that all of
these were working full time as domestics. The list includes:
Females:
Molly
in the Kitchen
Nanny
at Merchant'
1740.
Possibly the Old Molly present in 1776.
Hundred in 1740 and about the house in 1744.
s
She was apparently
young then and was still having children in the 1760s.
at Merchant'
Betty
Hundred in 1740 and
s
about
the house
She was hired out to
in 1742.
Williamsburg Doctor George Pitt in 1764.
Judith
Merchant'
at
1751.
Juba
Hundred in 1741.
s
Hired out to Benjamin
at Merchant'
Sally
s
In the house in 1745.
Powell
Hundred in 1743.
Baptized as an adult in
1764- 69.
In the house in 1745. Probably the wife of
Juba.
Patt
Merchant'
at
s
Jenny
at Merchant'
Wade'
s
1750.
Hundred in 1743.
s
Hundred in 1743.
In the house 1745.
About the house in 1744.
Baptized as an adult
Likely present later, but there are too many Jennys to make a link.
at the house in 1745.
Likely hired or purchased from someone named
Hannah
Wade. Possibly the same woman hired out to Jane Moody in 1764- 65 and to
Gabriel Maupin in 1767- 70.
Little
Little
Mary
Betty
at the
house in 1745.
at the
house in 1745.
Probably a young girl.
Probably a young girl.
Males:
Turnus
at
Merchant'
Hundred in 1740, 42, and 43.
s
About the house in 1744.
Cambridge at Merchant' s Hundred in 1740 and 1742.
Tom at Merchant' s Hundred in 1740.
About the house in 1744.
About the house in 1744.
Present through at least
1749.
Cyrus
at
Merchant'
Juba at Merchant'
Robin
at
Merchant'
Richmond
Boy
Tom
s
s
Hundred in 1741.
Hundred
s
Hundred in 1742.
at Merchant'
at
in 1741.
Merchant'
s
s
In the house in 1743 and 45.
In the house 1745.
In the house 1744.
Hundred in 1743.
Hundred in 1743.
In the house 1745.
About the house 1744.
I suspect many of these were part of the Gloucester group from Fairfield that Carter Burwell
inherited from his father. Some were likely born in Virginia. However Cambridge, Cyrus, and
Juba may, from their
names,
have been Africans.
�In addition to these listed in the 1740s, James the gardener, hired to Fauquier, Botetourt, and
Dunmore between 1765 and 1771 must have been working as a gardener at Carter' s Grove in the
1750s.
Other slaves were listed as living at Merchant' s Hundred between 1740 and 1745 but never listed
as working in the house. Most of them were likely field hands except for the carter.
Hannah
Betty
Nanny in the quarter
Bristol' s wife ( unnamed)
Fanny and her children ( apparently living apart from the others)
Glo[ u] ster Betty
Belinda
Phillis ( in 1749 she had at least 5 children, including a son Richmond and a daughter Patt,
suggesting kinship with these domestics)
an unnamed child
Stepney
Jonny
Bristol
Nero
Gaby
Jonny Sawney
new negro Jammy
Joe
George
Peter
Jack
Marcellus
Pompey
Tom Goose
Guy
Punch
Carter Jamey
York
Callabar
new negro Tom
Tom and Jammy were identified as recently arrived Africans. From their names it is likely that
Bristol, Nero, Marcellus, Pompey, Punch, York, and Callabar were Africans as well.
Executor William Nelson hired out 13 slaves, primarily to Williamsburg residents in various
years between 1764 and 1770.
Most
were
probably domestics, although
three men
hired
to
�Benjamin Powell could have been carpenters. This group included: Judith, Betty, Hannah,
Venus, Sukey, Jane, Lucy ( a girl), Harry, Manuel, Joe, Billy, and James the gardener.
Other than an unnamed cook, few domestics are identified in Nathaniel Burwell' s account books.
There is no comparable clothing issue list to give an idea of the size of the domestic staff. In
1783
there
were
a
total of 48
slaves
living
at
Carter'
s
Grove-
23 adult men, 15 adult women, 6
girls, and 4 boys. Any division between field hands and domestics is not specified in the tax
lists. However, a number of these are listed as getting shoes and suits of clothes made by the
same shoemakers and tailors who were making clothing and shoes for the Burwell children. I
assume these slaves were likely domestics who were better dressed than the field hands. Burwell
also paid or lent or borrowed cash from many of these slaves between 1779 and 1786, further
reinforcing a close association. These slaves included:
Males:
Bristol ( baptized 1751
as
child),
Baron, Harry ( hired out in 1764 and 1769),
Joe ( hired out in 1764; he seems to have done a lot of traveling, so possibly a
coachman or body servant who ran errands for Burwell), Kitt, Toney, Jimmy,
Michael, and Cesar the barber( present from 1775 to 1806 except when hired to
Catherine Campbell in 1782- 83)
Females: Tenor [ Tiner], Old Nanny, Betty, and Esther
Also,
Betsey Cannaday
was
the cook at Carter Hall between
1794 and 1814.
She was living at
Carter' s Grove in the 1780s and perhaps working in the kitchen.
A Chronology of Emancipation, 1772- 1888
The following chronology contains information that is not in the " Enslaving Virginia
We want to expand the chronology to include additional names of people and
events that shaped the institution of slavery in the nineteenth century and African American life
Chronology."
after the ratification
of the Thirteenth
Amendment
in 1865.
Please submit a brief description
of
people and events to be added to the expanded" Enslaving Virginia Chronology" to Julie Richter
Bruton Heights School or jrichter@cwf. org). The expanded chronology will appear in a future
issue of" The Network."
1772
Lord Chief Justice Mansfield Rules that Slavery Is Not Supported by English Law,
Thus Laying the Legal Basis for the Freeing of England' s 15, 000 Slaves [ See the
Enslaving Virginia Resource Book for additional information on the Somerset Case].
1774
The English Society of Friends Votes the Expulsion of Any Member Engaged in
the Slave Trade.
�1775
Slavery Abolished in Madeira.
1776
The Societies of Friends in England and Pennsylvania Require Members to Free
Their Slaves or Face Expulsion.
1777
The Vermont Constitution Prohibits Slavery.
1780
The Massachusetts Constitution Declares That All Men Are Free and Equal by Birth; a
Judicial Decision in 1783 Interprets This Clause as Having the Force of Abolishing
Slavery.
Pennsylvania Adopts a Policy of Gradual Emancipation, Freeing the Children of
All Slaves Born after November 1, 1780, at Their Twenty- Eighth Birthday.
1784
Rhode Island and Connecticut Pass Gradual Emancipation Laws.
1787
Formation in England of the " Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade."
1794
The French National Convention Abolishes Slavery in All French Territories.
Law Is Repealed by Napoleon in 1802.
1799
New York Passes a Gradual Emancipation
Law.
1800
U. S. Citizens Barred from Exporting Slaves.
1804
Slavery Abolished in Haiti.
New Jersey Adopts a Plan of Gradual Emancipation.
1807
England and the U. S. Prohibit Engagement
1813
Gradual Emancipation Adopted in Argentina.
1814
Gradual
1820
England Begins Using Naval Power to Suppress the Slave Trade.
1823
Slavery Abolished in Chile.
1824
Slavery Abolished in Central America.
1829
Slavery Abolished in Mexico.
1831
Slavery Abolished in Bolivia.
1838
Slavery
Emancipation
in the International
Slave Trade.
Begins in Columbia.
Abolished in All British Colonies.
This
�1841
The Quintuple Treaty Is Signed under Which England, France, Russia, Prussia, and
Austria Agree to Mutual Search of Vessels on the High Seas in Order to Suppress the
Slave Trade.
1842
Slavery Abolished in Uruguay.
1848
Slavery Abolished in All French and Danish Colonies.
1851
Slavery Abolished in Ecuador.
Slave Trade Ended in Brazil.
1854
Slavery Abolished in Peru and Venezuela.
1862
Slave Trade Ended in Cuba.
1863
Slavery Abolished in All Dutch Colonies.
1865
Slavery Abolished in the U. S. as a Result of the Passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to
the Constitution and the End of the Civil War.
1871
Gradual Emancipation
1873
Slavery Abolished in Puerto Rico.
1886
Slavery Abolished in Cuba.
1888
Slavery Abolished in Brazil.
Source: Robert William
American Negro
Initiated in Brazil.
Fogel and
Slavery, (
Boston
Stanley
L. Engerman, Time
and Toronto:
Little, Brown
on
and
the
Cross:
Company,
The Economics of
1974),
pp. 34- 35.
Summary of the Population of Virginia and the United States, 1790
Source: Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790,
Washington,
Publishing
D. C.:
Government Printing Office, 1908; reprint, Baltimore: Genealogical
Co., Inc., 1986),
pp. 8- 10.
�O
EE N4
O
r-
00
L O CL —
Q
fC
O
O O
L
C
co cu c
C Q)
C
4.CO
Q
V)a.+
a)
to
t•
CO O
I-
L
Uo
i
a) O
c
T
a)
d
3
L >., , E 70
0
LL L
( O 3
y
E
s
C)
co
0 .
O
TA
Nn
co
t
a)
E
N O et
'- (CO
Fro
0ta)
a) '
c0) .
cmw0w
0
co
06 n e
N
N
11 co)
N O' in CD
0
Com0bw
c4-
c
N N et
e-
00
N-
co"
(
N
CO co (
CD
e-
e-
N CO
et0 )Nit)
N
C4)
1)
c0c'
N
t)
C)
CI)
N co
e-
t)
N CO 00
CO U)0
O
i-
N C) ( CO
0)
N
e-
e-
e-
e-
0) (()
e-
N c0
CD
t)
NOC4)
F-
M
e-
N 00
e- (
e-
N O)CD
N
Co
M
C)in 0)
c+)
I-N.O
N-
I-
CO O
Co 0 O
e-
r--
et0CDON-
Cr)
O N CO
CDCO C)
co
Cr
CO et
N-
d
CO -
et CO co
e-
N co N N
e-
O co CO
CO
e-
e-
NI:
N et
e-
e-
U co
e-
0
CO NCNCO
O 0 N-CO (()
CO
NN
e-
e-
N
U)
N.
C)
0
CO Co CO
ti et CO O (
COCo
I':
e-
CD CO
e-
t)
co-
C)CO et
et et0 (
C)
e-
CO N.O
M et
COd
N-
CDN-CD
Ns Co
OO
e-
e-
e-
CO
C)
CO (
e- C)
t)
cMet
CDON)
MI
NO M
e-
O
CD et N
et N et
e- "
e-
e-
N
N
NN
u)
O
Co 0)N
C)
N0
I-
O CO
CD Co N
N Cr)et
et CD CO
e-
e
Cr) 0)
Co
N
0)
e-
N..:
et 0)
co"
e-
C)N e- "
co- CO CO
N-
O)
e-
e- (
N ILO
e-
et N
MO
I,-
CO CO
N
of
t)
O N CON
CO
M
s'
N 0 M(
Co)O V'
-
N-CO(
et
e-e-
r-
O)
.
I-
O
Ce et
N 00 get O
Ncn (
NN
N
O ' CO
co"0
t)
CO
O
Cr)CD CO
CD et
O
N (0)CO N
et
s
ON ( O
0)
C)
O
et N
e-
00
N-
O CO
CO CO C)
CO CO
O in N et "
(
I'
OcoK)
N CO F-
e
sNyetMCO(
C)
t)
f`
0)
0)
In co
et
e-
N
e-
N co CD
N
41 N
N)
e-
e-
'
N CO CO
CO N
e-
Cr)N
CD
e-
f)
e-
NA
co CO
e-
e0)
N M M
e-
CO
e-
e-
C)
Is-M)N
e-
M Cr
M
CM
t)
et
N-
c.)
N et (
e-e-
N In N
C)
N
co)N
V n cuL
c
et ( N CD N
e-
O CO
co" CO N
et
( CO
N ' O N-
U co >v
O Co CO co
t()
A N C)
I'
O
M
ONCO
co
cO CO C)
Cp c
0
e-
I'
A
SO
t)'
N-
(
s
M N
.
C)
N
Y c(
CO (et
0)
e-
u)
N-
N Co
et CI N (
M)M( Is-
0) (et
e-
co co)O
(
m
NNN
'
Co) 0)
NCD "
N-
0
'
co
t
00cr._
.
N
N N CO
C)0 CO
x
U
N
et U)
t)
CI N
N-
N
e-
32
N(
t)
CO (N N
1)
C.a)
e-
e-
N
ti
N-
N-
00 Co t)
(
Cr;
C a)
I
e-
t`
C)
(+)
N-
et
e-
csi0ca)
O)0
e-
CO O)
et N co
e-
xQ
NL C)
N-
N N
N et
°)
a
aa))
V
c
N
e-
e-
Emcuo-
NL.
e-
et O
O Co co
I'
N
W
Of`
to N
N
N-
t)
O
coE3vim)
M et Co)CO
sr)
O
wC
o
II z c
e-
a L, .. O c
e-
n
3
aOLO cN
N-
Z'
t)
cCa)C)
v7
N O C)
0 ,
a)
co
E
O .
E c7 d 0
OL a`)
w
1
N-
oc0
a)
t
c
ti O( M
c Z0
3L
a)
u)C)e-
0
3a
E
lcc
a)
a) a)
t
c< < <
L <
c <
ro)
0 >
co
3,w 3
Q v)
a)
Nl
N O
CO
e-
0 CD CO
(
e-
co-
C)
CO
I-
Ns
N
et CO ( CO
co- 0 If)CO
M ON 0
co- co c0 N
t)
N
R
�01
OO
c
h.
4_
E E co L.,o
li
0)C CZ
a)0)
1-
o w.
a)
3
CL O Q 7 ca
2
E a)
Um
tD = a y O '
13
0 C)
c
c0i
c 0)
Y Cu
nL
e-
e-
a)
6
Ni
i
e-
aa))
e
CO N co
e-
co_CM
t`
c0 CO N
e-
e-
e-
C) -
ca
ca c
C
iYI J
CEr)
C
c3
O
o
e-
d_
O A CO
NMVI-
N
e-
2
e-
c o,ct, tv
ca rnw
m
oo
O
N O CO
e-
C'
e-
CO M
N-VI N
e-
t`
O
e-
MN
co N C)
N4
O N CO
t`
e-
0 «.
Y
L co
. c
cca cn a
i
O
e-
00 cc•)
l-
C
m1 O a)o
seet in
O CO Of
Cl.N et
e-
M
cc)
M
a)
N
O
M
e--
O)
cA
co 03 O
N 0OO
co- N N M
et
cA et
et CO
CO tN
N
t`
M CO O)
N N CO
r--
0)
et cO d'
e- N-
et
e-
CO O
e-
03 O
0M1• •'
M CO
N CO cA
NN
in
e-
CO cn
e-
N
cn
et CO
N-cn
CO O
00
e-
OCD01
NON
co-
e- .-
NCO
e-
10
e-
O
4)
e-
et
e-
et
e-
N
co-
t+
M MN
co-
et 0 M O
O
M N M CO
cc)
et
et
CO-
CM
Tr CO
CO
et
LA
CO
e-
e-
e-
N
r-M
0I CO N
cA CO
e-
N
et
u)
d
NO
O
N CO
t•
r-
C)
N)ts.
et Cr)
e-
ct0N-
et M
CO CI
C)
C)
a0
CO N.
N et O)co
co of
00 CO
e-
e-
t`
Ce)
M 0)
c0 CO
co O)
O)
c0 N
co CO
CDetN-
co
co M
er O
t`
cA et
CO CO
0
N co et CO
co cA
t`
Cv)
t
1$)
Nt et
C)
O
N et VI
co O Ill
to 00 N-
O_et CO
e-
M
e-
00)
co .0 0)
e-
N
e-
r- .
t`
I'
CO s
et N CO
NNN
M Is-N-
p ca
O et et
O ti N-
a)
ca
CO et et
t
a
a)
a)N-
co N N
N
NC1A0
co N 00
M NNO
M)
co et 10
et 10 N et
r CO et
co)
N et
c0 00 CO O)
e-
et CO
cei Ps O O
CO
M
e-
0)Is-
d- et CO O
O)
e-
CM
CO
N Cn
`
C)
C'
4
M_
C)CO cA
CO Tt
t`
0-
cn
COM cI)
t+
O
e-t`
a)
o
VI
N
CI CO
t`
a)
c
e-
cn co
NI,- O
e-
e-
e-
e-
et co
e-
et N
N O MI
e-
0)
t—
N CD
N %- co
cc)
t`
N cA
D
t
C
co cA
N
N N
Is-
e-
Ch O C)N
e
N co cA O
o
a
C0
Cs
.
o
a3)
3
cn
I'
at CO M
` Oo
0 w
(o E
- C
0L
>
o
>•
h O)0
N
e-
et O N
i
coOetC0)
O)
I,-
a)
e—
y
N et O
e-
co cA
20 o
aw)
e-
cA N M
r•
ri)ca °
0
Lo
Y...
L.
N N
M 0)N
M co N-
c
a)
cA CO
el:
co M cA
aa))
L
CO N
N co N C)
N
e-
°
C • cNa
O
0
V) Ct3 O
C)
CO
e-
in
c
CD
N et
O)C)
a)
O
t-
e- t
e-
s
dO
3
a
M
c!)
C9 o
c
W
Q)
N
N N to CO
I'
C
C)
a)
0 co
CI C)cA
U_
E
pia
L
co_
co N-C)
I.
w `)
w
a)
C G) .• C
N
et CO M
e- (" e-
CCU
Z O0-
dto >~C 3
et 00 N-
c
N
um L
4.'
cII
U)) >,
CU
L
CO
e-
s-
0)
— .cC ca c O
c
e"'.
e-
O
o
CCU
5
c(
a
c) >
a0i
CVI2`.
0O
a)
a)
E cQ
a3
0 1-
C O
Tr CO O
CO M
CO et ''
C0 O
N
O)
e-
C0 M
Me- CO
C)
e-
CO
co- 00
st et N
N CO
N
t`
et
N CO
e-
C)
1.
e-
OO)N
O
e-
6 N '- N
t`
et-10
•,-
C1
co"O)00 CO
I"-
Co
e-t-
MO
Ne-O M
O et
co' O O
e-
e-
co_ ,-U)
e-
O)
co
N-M
�4.
N
4
E
at
0a.
p
III 47, O O O w
C1 O
L
C IQ cu c
10
4-
.
C)
C
=E
C)
5
cD
0
I-
U0
C
O
a)a) 5.
cn
O w T. w
oa
Ly C
o
O
if)
CO
(
N 0 O. 0O
aEceitowfn0(.
Q
U N co
CC
Ea) '
7 IA d
V
Y
0
0.
a
N
T CDN( 0NO)
e'O O)
CNN- N .e-
0 y(
OX
N
05 5}
i.
N
co M
.cfi O)CO er
co-
I--
to
c
e-
0 O`C
O
N N.N
N
e- (
e-
O 00 N
OY
a)
OO
(()
ItMu)
O
Nu 00 00
M ( M 03
N
0)
Co N
u)vs,
CO
CI et
(
u)u)0)
mi.O)O M
CNI CO V-
P-
N 0)
M O Co.-
(N
oi O CO
CD N .- (
1-
N co .-
et
N
ItC
u)
At 0
ON CO
Mti (
1-
C)
u7e
00 N
ON
O CO O
N-
O
u)
O)
et 00
(
CO M M (
O) —
0)
N
O
CO CO N-
on C)
M co
MetCD.-
-
0-
O)O)O(
1-
CO
et O O
u)
V
st N
N .- ' et O
—
0 (
M0
I
a-
v.
r CC CO N
C
w
M
NerCODCO
1-
er
et
NO
mN (
Cr) u)00
N et (')
O O)
1-
u)
coCVIDu)
I-
O
O er
CD.O)
( O
t`
(
N
O
r
LI a) 3 0 >, E
a)
C
C
O
N 03
Cl)
o VNa
U
t
a)
oa
L ms
Q
m
O2
0 O°)
CO
O
OU
t 0 ca
E
Ca)
t Ow
co co
O
Z
1
dL
yTr .M
IC)co c7
I
I
p
rn > C
O
L.
a0 LO
0NC')
L ai
s
Q
y
NV
MM
1.--
1-
O F.,
y
L a)
a)
N0
OIV
cil
v..
a)
713- a)0
C.
O
y
O)M O)
N
u
LC)0)
MN
et
I`
in M
u)
CO N
N .- er 00
u)
et 00 (
CO co
N CD
V Is-O)
el-
CD N
M 0(
N CO LO
N .- N co
CD CO
et O
CD CO CD
co01
O)
CO
N CO et
N rn u)O
O
c
C
a)
0)
o y
IN co
a)
`
Laaii
(
a)
tD
CO Co
0 O II
0 C_
Ca
li N `-
M C0
O
oC
. 13
2
o Q-
Ly C 0
r`
Z La 0 L
UI_ >
CD
N M er
.-
cu
a)
V
u-
d -
NN
u)
CO O
f)
N u1
OI--
N
I`
0)O)
L.
U
0
O
M. O
00
CO C
(
O0
co O
N V O)
et CO
1.
Ep
A
i-
C)
u) .-
0)O
1
Q)
QliCe
N0)00 (
O)
O
co
O)M
N
1-
CO
NI O N
I
N
T
t`
Y
C 2U_
Q ..
—
co
NC
ON
Cr)
t`
If)
1- t`
N O)
7) (
CDMt`(
t`
L C oo o o 06 t
t•
0 ItL0.
N
er
u)
i
co N
N N(
O
c)
CO
NCOu)
CON - CO1 )
NMN
(
ei M N to
0
r N. )
1-
,—
N
N
O
73
u
00 M
ONu)
o
N
u)
0.
1-
u)
U) ra>
N
1.
a-
O
M .-N O^0)
(
OO
.-N-
L
na)
a)
V•
U)
co M N
0
et
N-
CO O
cQ E
( O. ' C
CON- -
N
N-
e-
CO
O
M.
T
3)
00 CO
u)
y
CO
u) (
M et (
j C CS
1-
O 0)
t•
w
a)
L a)
I.i
4:
N
NN
O
3rts
a)
Ow y
Q
y
It0 `
I
c
L
Nu)
L a)
r..
L
CO -
O et .-
a-
0
C
A(
t`
oC
o p.
Q
cn
U.
a)
O CO
A-
VL
(
L
ONM
(
(
u)O >
N
C
E `-
(
L.
ZaN
Oa)
li y y
E d
Lh a)a)
LC)
NCI
OO .
03N
etMCD
M
d'et
�0
w 0 a Q++
a0
E E CO
U
C
m
w
IL
E ca al
L)
t-
D
ffl
N tII C v
r o:y
e-
On C
I
HO
EC C
I
N_
c
IL d a) 3
py
w ER
c
w
0)y U,411
a)
co
E CQ d
01 y R C( LZ
O a C13
a)
a)
3 2
=m
fl.
c
.-
a)
CU
oN
.
CC)
con
0 o a) v)
a3
oc
a)
a)
3
a)
3
r
>
.
c Co
c`
oa"
Ca c C
oC
o3
a)
t_
Uo p
c`
tED—
oa
cn!
O
y-
O
M
CD O
tf)
N Cr)
Can
0 CM
r-r-
r-rO N.CO Co
O)CO
oto
CM u Cn 4 CD
r-
M
CO
r-
0M
et
r- '
r-
NN
Q_r'
0 O)
' CO
N'
N
cM
t
C)
Cl.CO
r-
r•
E0
CO N N
a
o
CONr-
ety
0.
Nd O
NN
r-
N ON
r-
CO to r'
y
Na
O
I
C)1sN
0)
0)
t0
N
6.a)y
N e0 C co
CO O
CO M 0
CO N O
Cn v.)Co
to CO N
pf CO an 0
n-
Ne*
la-
eF ICD 0
CM V O
O)NY CO
Cr1 N O
CO to
N 00 N
Is-CO
elcoN
NN
a
CO
O)
to
CO
N CO
CON-
0)
O)
r-
Is-r-O
O)
r-
CO
No
CO
MO N).
O NO )
r-
O M CO
O
N
CO N
'
r-
r-
r- Ct)0)
T.
Crl a)CO
N CD Cy)
O CA In 0
I-
CD
M
in .- , 0 O)CD
CAOi
cM
N Tr
N
1.-
O CA sr
NO
c4)N
mr co
1
to N
N to
0)mt CD
r-
N- V cM 0
M CA
elC
NCO
CO
M O
Co 00 N
0..) (
to
COI
C•)
N N
O) a)
CO O
T.
v.)
0
t
M N co-
N
CO..N e}•
N
CO to or)
C'
N CO
Co Cq Cn
itO)CO to
O
N Co O
M CD M
r-
to CD
st et CO
N
co in'
N tf)
0
r-
CD to N
C'
Of
O A,
O
M
f
C0 N ti
O.; r- Co)
I-
1
tr
N
to V CO
M
CO CD re
0 C to
N N r-
tO co' CO CO O
O V'
p CU
r-Is-
CO co t0
I-
CUM
I-
a)
CO r-CO
to U,
co. N N
r
pct
N
r-
O t0 N
I to 0 CO
4
O
to
N
CO co
Q
N tp CZ et CO
i--
Cr)O)
N
N CO V'
co
N CO 0
Ch CO O)
C7MaNIv
NCO
CON
N CO
r•0
NI
UC) r1.-
0 cM
to V CO
10 N CI
1-
N
0
r-
CO
M to
1.
0 Of d'
tn
CD
r-
0pONC7r-
r-0)
N Co O
N
0)Cr)CO
CO
NY CO
1
CO C41
1
J
I
r-
O)
CO O
a
0
r-0)
cto
4
a)
r-CO
tri r-ILO et
U tII o
wE
CCD
r-
o
E
to Col
C7
Enc =
S.co
O)to
r- r-
c to
U.
I-
to in' O) r- to
>
1q 0
N M N CO
to N to r-
1
V Co
N
r-
0C y
r-
4)y
CM t10 to
CO
a) a)
y
Of to CI
N
r-r-
a)
75 y
a.
O ui
to M CO
CO V'
M'
00 M N 0 O
o
CU3 o
a)
>,
C'
3 =
y
o
CO CO 'V'
CI 10
`"
co >
to
CM to
M CO ' O CO CO
o U,
>+
>
oc y
a)
cn
E
Q
N st
ot
li y
1-
N Ni
oc
N
N N.10 r•
11
Q
o
to CO
N
y,
c
a)
r-
M
O to CI CD
0)
Cv
N O CA
r•
r
w
Z
y
CO 00
o
4"'
C CI3 co C Q
co y
CD
:
0
O
7
N CA
F-
z2woZdat4C91-
0)
A co 34
E p ow
c
a
3
a7
E
O 0.
R
a o>•-}
0
O
oC
Is-
0
r-
ui cM CD to
O
M CO r0
M
V' r-N
M to CO O)r-
0
C)
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network. February 18, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-02-18