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The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
August 5, 1999
The ninth issue of" The Network" contains a table of contents for the " American
Diversity— Williamsburg" section of the Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, answers to
questions from a recent training class, two newspapers announcements that provide
details about slaves who held seats for their masters at the Second Theater in
Williamsburg and slave funerals, details about slaves owned by the Prentis Family,
information about an exhibit of the work of an enslaved African- American Potter named
Dave, information about the Henrietta Marie exhibit, and a list of recently published
books on race and African- American history and culture.
Table of Contents—
The
American Diversity:
Williamsburg
255- 260
Apothecary
The Blacksmith
261- 262
The Brush- Everard House
263- 267
The Cabinetmaker
268- 269
The Capitol
269- 280
The Carpenter'
Carter'
s
s
and Brickmaker'
s
Yard
281- 292
292- 320
Grove
The College of William and
Mary
320- 323
The Courthouse
323- 338
The First Baptist Church
338- 342
Foodways Programs
342- 344
The
Geddy
House
The Governor'
The Gunsmith
s
Palace
344- 345
345- 359
359- 360
�The Harness and Saddlemaker
361- 362
Market Square
363- 371
The Milliner
372
Shop
The Powell House
373- 376
The
377- 380
Printing
Office
The Public Gaol
381- 390
The Raleigh Tavern
391- 395
The Randolph House
396- 405
The Shoemaker
405- 406
The Silversmith
407- 408
The
Mary
Stith House
The Tan Yard
Wetherburn'
s
409- 410
411- 412
Tavern
413- 415
The Wheelwright
415- 417
The Wigmaker
417- 418
The Windmill, Cooper, and Rural Trades
419- 420
The Wythe
Endnotes
House
420- 429
430- 450
Lorena S. Walsh provides answers to the following questions from a recent training class.
Question: When did the British set up a trading post on the west coast of Africa and get
directly involved in the overseas slave trade?
�f
3
Answer: The first English trading posts on the West African coast were established by
the Guinea Company, a joint stock company granted a monopoly of trade in the area
between Senegal and the Bite of Benin by King James I in 1618. This group was
principally involved in the gold and dyewood trades rather than the slave trade, and they
concentrated their efforts primarily in Senegambia and Sierra Leone. This company
employed
a renegade
Dutch
trader
who
established English trading posts (" factories")
on
the Gold Coast starting in 1632. Guinea Company trading posts included Komenda,
Kormantin, Winneba, Anomabu, Takordai, and Cape Coast. During the English Civil
War and the Commonwealth government( 1642- 1660) the Guinea Company' s rights were
challenged, and various English groups, including the East India Company, briefly
established assorted trading posts in various places on the Gold Coast. With the
introduction of sugar cultivation in Barbados in the early 1640s, assorted private English
traders, many violating the Guinea Company' s legal monopoly in the Gold Coast area,
began shipping slaves to Barbados.
After Charles II was restored in 1660, the next group granted monopoly trading rights in
West Africa and which established trading posts explicitly involved in the slave as well
as the gold and other commodity trades was the Company of Royal Adventurers
composed mainly of
courtiers),
set up in 1660 and rechartered in 1663. This company set
up a fort on James Island in Gambia in 1661, and in 1663 took over the previously
established English factories on the Gold Coast. The Adventurers claimed to have
established or re- established 18 factories ( primarily on the Gold Coast) by the end of
1663. But in the next two years most of these posts were retaken by the Dutch.
The Adventurers were bought out and replaced by the Royal African Company, another
joint stock company to which the King also granted monopoly trading rights, in 1672.
This joint stock company was run primarily by merchants, and while continuing to pursue
the commodity trades in gold, ivory, dyewood, etc., concentrated primarily on the slave
trade. The company maintained trading posts in the Gambia and in Sierra Leone,
primarily for the commodity trades. But its main center was on the Gold Coast and the
Slave Coast" to the east where it established posts at Allada( 1674) and Whydah ( 1682).
The Royal African Company initially also maintained a factory at Benin to purchase cloth
for the Gold Coast market, that was abandoned by 1700. Royal African Company ships
traded as well in Old and New Calabar and Angola for slaves, but no trading stations
were maintained in these regions.
or Cabo Corso) trading post was established by the Guinea Company in
1650, seized by the Swedes in 1652, shortly thereafter taken over by the Dutch, and then
retaken by an English fleet in 1663- 64, at which point the English fortified the position.
The Cape Coast (
In the 1670s the successor Royal African Company made Cape Coast Castle its primary
headquarters.
Thus English trading posts on the West African coast were first set up in the 1630s, and
posts trading primarily in
slaves
date
to the
1670s.
�4
Sources: P. E. H. Hair and Robin Law, " The English in Western Africa
to 1700,"
The
Origins ofEmpire, vol. 1 of The Oxford History of the British Empire, Nicholas Canny,
ed., (
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998): 241- 263, a newly arrived book in the CWF
Library. Local correspondence from assorted Gold and Slave Coast trading posts has
been
the
published
in The English in West Africa, 1681- 1683:
Royal African
Oxford
University
Company of England,
Press, 1997),
The Local Correspondence of
1681- 1689, Part 1, Robin Law, ed. ( Oxford:
also in our library.
Question: How often did people sell food and other items in the market in Williamsburg?
Answer: Here I have to claim no information. I suspect that people could not legally sell
within the bounds of the official town market other than on established market days, since
the idea was that such marketing take place in a regulated fashion with the buying and
selling conducted
weights
and
during
measures—
set
hours
official
for regulation of prices, and
the oversight being supported by market taxes. Once an actual
under
oversight—
market house was constructed, individuals like butchers who paid rent for market stalls,
as well as town officials, would presumably have had in interest in preventing irregular
off day sales on the market house premises.
These regulations would not have prevented storekeepers, or individual retailers
including bakers or butchers like Benjamin Hanson who had other established places of
business, from selling as they pleased. Petty hucksters selling from carts or baskets on
the streets or going door to door could presumably also operate on a daily basis.
However tightly or loosely the town market was regulated, unless they were making
prearranged deliveries to regular customers, most people likely planned to sell primarily
on regular market days where they could take advantage of food buying customers
congregating in the area.
Question: Were the chickens alive when they were sold in the market?
Answer: I would assume this to be the normal practice in a pre- refrigeration age. Aside
from preserved pork, chickens and other birds were the" fast food" of the times. Anyone
could keep a chicken in a cage feeding it a little grain until it was time to cook it, thus
insuring freshness. And almost certainly virtually everyone knew how to kill, eviscerate,
and pluck a chicken ready for cooking in a short order. If there were not enough buyers,
the sellers could keep their stock in undiminished condition for sale another day, and the
buyers could be assured
that the
bird
was
healthy
and fresh.
�5
Question: Was wood the most common item sold in the public market?
Answer: To the extent that household account books reflect market purchasing patterns,
wood sales were comparatively infrequent. According to the account books, the most
frequently purchased item was poultry, closely followed by cuts of meat. Vegetables
came next followed by fruits and nuts and seafood. More established households bought
wood only weekly or bi- weekly in the winter and much less often in the summer.
Tavernkeepers, professionals, merchants, and better off artisans often made annual
contracts with a single dealer, assuring themselves of regular deliveries of wood at an
agreed upon price, sort of like the agreements one makes with an oil dealer today.
Smaller households
must have bought firewood in the market as needed from smaller
dealers. This however is a trade we know almost nothing about until after the
Revolution.
The following announcements from the Virginia Gazette and the Virginia Gazette or
American Advertiser provide information the practice of having slaves reserve seats at the
Second Theater in Williamsburg and slave funerals.
We are desired to inform the Publick, That as the Company of Comedians, lately from
London, have obtain' d His Honour the Governor' s Permission, and have, with great
Expence, entirely altered the Play- House at Williamsburg to a regular Theatre, fit for the
Reception of Ladies and Gentlemen, and the Execution of their own Performances, they
intend to open on the first Friday in September next, with a Play, call' d The Merchant of
written by Shakespear) and a Farce, call' d The Anatomist, or, Sham Doctor.
The Ladies are desired to give timely Notice to Mr. Hallam, and at Mr. Fisher' s, for their
Venice, (
Places in the Boxes, and on the Day of the Performance to send their Servants early to
keep them, in Order to prevent Trouble and Disappointment.
Source:
Virginia Gazette, 21 August 1752.
Twenty Pounds Reward.
WILL be paid for apprehending and delivering to me, my negro man named MOSES,
who ran away on the 29th day of October last. He is a likley [ sic] black country born,
sensible fellow; about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, well set, large legs, though well made,
about 28 years of age; he has a small scar on his forehead, nigh the edge of his hair, and I
am told a small piece of one of his ears is off; he is of a smiling countenance, and of a
proud carriage, is by trade a shoe- maker, and has some of his tools with him; he formerly
belonged to one Caleb Trueblood, under whose name I expect he will endeavour to pass
as a
free
man;
he has with him
a
black broad cloth
coat,
and
some
times
officiates
as a
�6
reader at negro funerals. I strictly forbid all persons from employing him either by land
or water, as I am determined to take every advantage the law shall give me of any person
that shall either employ or harbour him.
WILLIAM SKINNER.
NO. CAROLINA( Perquimans county) Jan. 10, 1786.
Source:
Virginia Gazette or American Advertiser, Hayes, ed., 22 February 1786 ( Lathan
A. Windley, comp., Runaway Slave Advertisements: A Documentary History from the
1730s to 1790, 4 vols., Westport, Connecticut:
Greenwood Press, 1983, I: 383).
Information About Slaves Owned by the Prentis Family
The following information about the slaves owned by the Prentis Family is taken from
the talk that Julie Richter gave on Day 1 of" Enslaving Virginia" training in January and
February 1999.
Judith was a young woman when her master, the merchant William Prentis, bequeathed
her and her children to his daughter Elizabeth after his death in August 1765. Judith and
her
Effy, Molly, and Jimmy were valued at£ 115 in the October 1765 inventory
of William Prentis' s estate. This slave family continued to live at the Prentis House on
children
Lot 51 on Duke of Gloucester Street as did Elizabeth Prentis who was thirteen years old
when her father died. Her mother, Mary Prentis, sent Molly to the Bray School for
enslaved and free black
children
in
Williamsburg
in November 1765.
Molly learned
about the Anglican faith, obedience to her master, proper behavior, enunciation, and
reading. Anne Wager, the teacher at the Bray School, also taught Molly and other girls
how to knit and sew.
Judith' s family grew in the 1760s: her children Pompey and Nancy Lewis were baptized
in February 1766 and November 1768, respectively. The short intervals between the
births of three children( Jimmy in 1763, Pompey in 1766, and Nancy Lewis in 1768)
suggest that Judith was able to form a long- term relationship with a man who lived in or
near Williamsburg. Elizabeth Prentis died on October 5, 1770 and her brother John
gained possession of Judith and her children Effy, Molly, Jimmy, Pompey, and Nancy
Lewis.
John Prentis kept Judith' s family together during his lifetime. However, his death in late
1775 brought a number of changes to Judith and her family. John Prentis left Effy,
Pompey, and Nancy Lewis to his younger brother, Joseph. He left the remainder of his
slaves to be equally divided among his brothers Daniel and Joseph and his cousin, Robert
Prentis. Judith was one of" several valuable SLAVES, chiefly House Servants, among
wich is a very good Cook" who were sold by Prentis' s executors at the January 3, 1776
�7
sale of his estate. Her young sons Tom and Lewis were sold with her. Molly was one of
the four dower slaves assigned to Prentis' s widow, also named Elizabeth. It is likely that
Molly served as Elizabeth Prentis' s maid. Judith' s daughter Effy had at least one
daughter Kate who received her baptism in November 1782. Effy and Pompey lived in
Williamsburg until the death of Joseph Prentis Senior in 1809. Effy, Pompey, and the
other eight slaves owned by Prentis at his death became the property of his son and
namesake, a lawyer who lived in Suffolk.
William Prentis gained possession of a slave named Nanny when the will of his father- inlaw, John Brooks, was probated in November 1729. Nanny and Prentis' s wife Mary
lives
Lot 51.
Nanny likely helped Mary
Prentis care for her eight children in addition to her other household duties. She was
called " Old Nanny" and valued at £ 5 in the October 1765 inventory of Prentis' s estate.
together
probably grew up
and lived
out their
on
The appraisers noted that there was a place on Prentis' s property known as " old
Nanny'
It is possible that Nanny had a structure that was recognized as her own
s."
because
she
had been
an
important part of
the
household for many years.
Unfortunately,
the appraisers only made note of the items at" old Nanny' s" that belonged to Prentis.
They did not list furniture, foodstuffs, or Nanny' s personal items.
Another Prentis slave used her position in the family to negotiate with her master. John
Prentis bequeathed
a
girl
named Rachel
to
his brother Joseph in his 1773 will.
She and
her daughter Lucy were among the slaves in the July 24, 1809 inventory of Joseph
Prentis' s estate. Rachel persuaded her new master, Joseph Prentis Junior, to allow her to
stay in Williamsburg instead of moving to his house in Suffolk. Prentis hired her to
well.
It is likely that
Rachel had known Benjamin White since her childhood and convinced him to hire her so
Benjamin
White,
a
free
man
of
color,
in 1826 and perhaps
earlier as
that she could stay in Williamsburg. White grew up as the slave of Mary Stith and lived
on Lot 17, a short distance from the Prentis House. Rachel stayed with White and his
son, alson named Benjamin White, when she was older and unable to work. Prentis paid
White for maintaining" Aunt Rachel" during 1836. In early February 1837 Prentis' s
friend and Williamsburg resident, Robert Saunders Junior, wrote to tell him that Rachel
had died. Prentis lamented
the
death of his" much beloved &
faithful nurse, Mammy
Rachel."
I Made This Jar':
The Life and Works of the Enslaved African- American Potter, Dave"
This traveling exhibition focuses on the work of a potter known as Dave. The exhibit
opened at the McKissick Museum at the University of South Carolina at Columbia in
April 1998. It was at The High Museum of Art in Atlanta from May 16- July 31, 1999.
Next,
the exhibit will
be at the Charles H. Wright
Museum
of African- American
History
�8
in Detroit from October 9, 1999- January 2, 2000. The final venue for this exhibit is the
Winterthur Museum, Garden, and Library in Winterthur, Delaware, from February 5- June
25, 2000. Jill Beute Koverman
Life and Works
wrote
the exhibit
catalogue—"
I Made This Jar":
Enslaved African- American Potter, Dave—
of
University of South Carolina Press in 1998.
the
The
published by the
A remarkable slave potter known only as Dave is the subject of a nationally travelling
exhibition and catalogue of the alkaline- glazed stoneware tradition rooted in the South
Carolina' s Edgefield District.
In the mid 1980s McKissick Museum of the University of South Carolina conducted a
major study of the social and economic history of this stoneware tradition. This study
documented more than 50 vessels of remarkable size made in the Edgefield District
during the 19th and 20th centuries. Twenty of these pots were inscribed with poetic
verse, ranging from the somber and moralistic to the wry and witty, and signed Dave.
The Exhibit
The significance of Dave' s work is just beginning to be acknowledged by scholars and
museum curators.
Major museums
such as the Smithsonian
Institution
and the
Philadelphia Museum of Art have recently acquired pieces made by the potter and poet of
Edgefield.
McKissick Museum, at the University of South Carolina, examines the significance of
Dave and his works for the American ceramic and literary traditions. Through these pots
and poems, this exhibit promises to complicate our understanding of the social relations
of slavery in the antebellum South. By celebrating the sophisticated ways one slave
successfully subverted the institution of slavery, by adding to the number of know 19th
century African American poets from the South, and by suggesting that not all
southerners were unequivocal supporters of slavery, the story of Dave will debunk racial
and ethnic stereotypes that continue to haunt the region and the nation.
Accompanying the 25 vessels made by Dave, pieces from several other potters from the
Edgefield District of that era will be displayed in the exhibit.
Photomurals,
maps, and
panels of explanatory text will accompany the objects and provide a broader cultural
context for Dave and his pottery. The exhibit catalogue will provide an in- depth account
as well as a catalogue raissone of his work.
Scheduled to open at McKissick Museum during April 1998 ( Poetry Month), numerous
public outreach events are already being organized for presentation during the nine
months the exhibit will be on view in South Carolina. The story of Dave will also be
presented to far wider audience through travelling venues across the United States.
�9
The Research
Jill Beute Koverman( McKissick Museum Curator of Education) has conducted extensive
archival investigation on the enslaved African potter known only as Dave. Her research
has identified 90 existing
vessels
produced by
Dave between 1820 and 1863.
The
findings have also placed Dave' s work at the ideological center of southern politics and
culture during this era in Edgefield, South Carolina.
The Edgefield District—
supporters
sentiment.
of radical
home of Francis Pickens and John Hammond who were strong
nullifier
John C. Calhoun— was a virtual hotbed of secessionist
The local newspaper,
The Edgefield Hive, served as a venue to expound the
liberal views and pro- union stance of its owner, Dr. Abner Landrum. Dave worked with
Dr. Landrum, and perhaps because of his liberal views, may have been the individual that
taught Dave to read and write.
The most substantive clue to Dave' s identity is revealed in an editorial of the April 1863
issue of the Edgefield Advertiser. It reads:
One day in years gone by I happened to meet DAVE POTTERY( whom many
readers will remember as the grandiloquent old darkey once connected with a
paper known as the Edgefield Hive in the outskirts of his beloved hamlet.
Observing an intelligent twinkle in his eye, we accosted him in one of his own set
speeches: "
Well, Uncle Dave, how does your corporosity
sagitate?"—"
First rate,
young master, from top to toe. I just had a magnanimous bowl-ful of dat delicious
old beverage, buttermilk."
Who has not often felt his buttermilk
as Dave did.
From this passage it would appear that Dave was a slave well known in the larger
community for his way with words. Dr. Landrum operated both the Edgefield Hive ( from
1829 to 1831), and a stoneware factory named Pottersville ( from 1817 to 1828).
Contemporary scholars Dr. John Burrison and Dr. John Michael Vlach have speculated
that Dave likely acquired his command of the English Language working for Landrum
first as a potter, and then as a typesetter.
The institution of slavery did much to negate the lives and contributions of those
enslaved.
Theories about Dave' s origins can be drawn from information found in sources
such as census records, Slave Schedules, local newspapers, deeds, probate records and
Manufacturing Census' s. Two local churches in Edgefield, members of the African
American community, have been asked to search their local histories as well for any
information about Dave.
Sources:
Homepage for the McKissick Museum of Art, University of South Carolina at
Columbia( http: www. cla. sc. edu/ MCKS/ html/ exhib. htm) and the Dave Website
http: www. cla. sc. edu/ MCKS/ dave/ index. htm).
�10
Information About" A Slave Ship Speaks: The Wreck of the Henrietta Marie"
This exhibit was organized by the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society. The artifacts
from the Henrietta Marie and the interactive exhibit are currently making a three- year,
twenty-city, national tour. The last stop is in Milwaukee at America' s Black Holocaust
Museum from May 15 to August 22, 1999.
In the summer of 1700, the English merchant-slaver Henrietta Marie sank in unknown
circumstances thirty-five miles west of Key West, Florida. Shortly before this mishap,
she had sold a shipment of 190 captive Africans in Jamaica.
The shipwreck was first found by Mel Fisher' s divers in 1972 but only partially
excavated. Their brief work revealed that it was later than the Spanish galleon Nuestra
Senora de Atocha, which they were searching for, as well as being English. Known as
the" English Wreck" for the next ten years, it was not until July of 1983 that divers
returned to the site. Archaeologist David Moore went out to study the wreck with Henry
Taylor, a salvor who had made an arrangement with Mel to work at the site. They knew
that what lay below was not a treasure vessel, but suspected it would be able to make an
important contribution to history.
The ship was much more important than they hoped. On most ships of the period, one or
two sets of iron shackles were carried to punish sailors who might misbehave; the large
number
found
this site was
on
unusual.
Then
came
an enormous
breakthrough— a diver
discovered the ship' s bell. The cast bronze bell was heavily encrusted with concreted
sand, sediment and coral. When the crew gently chipped this covering away, something
remarkable
was revealed—
the means to identify the long- lost ship beyond a shadow of a
doubt. " THE HENRIETTA MARIE 1699" was etched in block letters on the bell.
The
identification brought a startling immediacy to the excavation. Once records of Jamaican
shipping returns confirmed the vessel' s status as a slaver, the wreck' s significance was
apparent—
the Henrietta Marie was the earliest slave shipwreck identified by name.
The identification allowed researchers to use historical records to begin reconstructing a
little- known passage in American history. Early in the research process, records were
uncovered showing that the Henrietta Marie had been a London- based vessel, registered
as 120 tons burden. Sturdy and fast, she traveled the infamous triangular trade route
favored
by
the slavers—
from England to the Guinea coast, to the Americas, then home
again.
Accounts relating to the Henrietta Marie' s voyages were uncovered, as were the names
of her investors,
captains, and wills of some of her crew members.
Artifacts found at the
site proved particularly helpful in creating a picture of shipboard life and the practices of
the slave
trade.
Several years
ago,
Mel Fisher donated
the artifacts
from
the
wreck
to the not-
for- profit
�it
Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society. Under the Society, research has continued both
with the collection of recovered items, and in the field.
Today, the Henrietta Marie is believed to be the world' s largest source of tangible objects
from the early years of the slave trade. As such it has proved to be a" gold mine" of
information about a pivotal period in African, European and American history. Artifacts
from any aspect of the maritime slave trade are extremely rare. Among the objects found
at the site of the Henrietta Marie are over eighty sets of shackles, two cast- iron cannon,
Venetian glass
beads, stock iron
trade
trade
bars,
ivory "
elephant'
s
teeth," and a large
collection of English made pewter tankards, basins, spoons and bottles. The partial
remains of the ship' s hull have allowed for a reconstruction of the vessel. An equally
valuable " treasure"
is less tangible: the wealth of information
researchers
have been able
to uncover about the complex maritime slave trade and the roots of racial inequality that
still exist today.
In May of 1993, the National Association of Black SCUBA Divers placed a memorial
plaque on the site of the Henrietta Marie. The simple bronze marker, which faces the
African shore thousands of miles away, bears the name of the slave ship and reads,
In memory and recognition of the
courage, pain and suffering of enslaved
African people.
Speak her name and gently touch the
souls of our ancestors."
Two years later, in May of 1995, the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society unveiled" A
Slave
Ship
Speaks: The Wreck of
the Henrietta
Marie."
The first major museum
exhibition in this country devoted to the transatlantic slave trade, it was prepared and
mounted with the assistance of the nation' s leading scholars of African- American history.
The critically acclaimed exhibition uses the vessel as a focal point to examine the slave
trade, the conditions that spawned it, and its still-evident effect on society. It is currently
on a tour of museums across the United States, sponsored by the General Motors
corporation.
Dr. Colin Palmer, author of Human Cargoes and a professor of history at the University
of North Carolina, is just one of the scholars whose work contributed to the creation of
the Henrietta Marie exhibition. He believes that an understanding of the slave trade—
such as the exhibit might inspire— is vital if race relations are to progress beyond their
current uneasy
the
that
state. "
The story ends in 1700 for this particular ship, but the story of what
ship represented continues today," he
she is an essential
part of recovering
says. "
the
The importance of the Henrietta Marie is
black
experience—
symbolically,
metaphorically and in reality."
Source:
www. melfisher.
org.
See
also
A Slave
Ship
Speaks:
The Wreck
of the
Henrietta
�12
Marie, (
Key West, Florida: The Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society, 1995).
List of Recently Published Books on Race and African-American History and Culture.
Diouf, Sylviane A. Servants ofAllah: African Muslims Enslaved in the Americas. New
York: New York University Press, 1998.
Finkelman, Paul, ed. Slavery and the Law. Madison:
Madison House, 1997.
Gordon- Reed, Annette. Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings: An American
Controversy, revised edition. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999.
Rhodes, Jane. Mary Ann Shadd Cary: The Black Press and Protest in the Nineteenth
Century. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998.
Robinson, Eugene. Coal to Cream: A Black Man' s Journey Beyond Color to an
Affirmation of Race. New York: Free Press, 1999.
The Insistence
of the Indian: Race and Nationalism in NineteenthCentury American Culture. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998.
Scheckel, Susan.
Wahl,
Jenny
Bourne.
The Bondsman' s Burden: An Economic Analysis of the Common
Law ofSouthern Slavery. Cambridge Historical Studies in American Law and
Society. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
Zafar, Rafia.
We Wear the Mask: African- Americans Write American Literature, 1760-
1870. New York: Columbia
University
Press, 1997.
�
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The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
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<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
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Title
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The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. August 5, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-08-05