3
25
1578
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i
These.Boisterous Times..
76
THE WEE
.
Alexander Purdie, Virginia Gazette,
January
P.
February 1517,
February
and Hunter'
1976
s
of the death of Mrs. Catherine Rathell of Williamsburg
Virginia
Gazette
on
February
appeared in
vs,
Mrs. Rathell, a milliner, arrived in Virginia in 1765 with a letter of introduction to
Robert Carter from John Morton Jordan, a London tobacco merchant. Mrs. Rathell first
settled in Fredericksburg and usually visited Williamsburg with a stock of merchandise
during the meetings of the General Assembly. She later moved to Williamsburg and
a
millinery
shop
near
the
Capitol "
where
Mr. Aschough
lately
lived." Within a
few months she moved her shop to Duke of Gloucester Street " opposite the Raleigh
Tavern."
In April 1775 Mrs. Rathell announced in the Virginia Gazette:
As I purpose going to England as soon as I dispose of my goods, and remain there until
liberty of importation is allowed, puts me under the necessity of not parting with a single
shillings worth, without the cash; and I request, as a favour, that all who are indebted to
me will pay off their accounts this meeting, and any person who has any demands against
me are desired to apply directly.
In October Mrs. Rathell sailed for England in the Peggy, leaving her remaining unsold
merchandise and store fixtures in the hands of another milliner, M. Brodie, to be sold.
Unfortunately, the Peggy sank within three miles of Liverpool and Mrs. Rathell, along
with nine others, drowned.
February
22- 28, 1976
February 28, 1776
On February 13 the Continental Congress appointed Patrick Henry colonel of the
First
Battalion
of Virginia
Forces
in
the
Army of
the
United Colonies."
When
the
Committee of Safety offered Henry the commission on the 28th, he refused to accept it.
The Virginia Gazette reported on March 1:
Yesterday morning the troops in this city being informed that Patrick Henry, esq.,
commander
in chief of the Virginia forces, was about to leave them, the whole went into
deep morning and being under arms, waited on him at his lodgings, when they addressed
him in the following manner:
To PATRICK HENRY, jun. esquire.
Deeply impressed with a grateful sense of the obligations we lie under to you, for the
polite, humane, and tender treatment manifested to us throughout the whole of your
conduct, while we had the honour of being under your command, permit us to offer you
our sincere thanks, as the only tribute we have in our power to pay to your real merits.
Notwithstanding your withdrawing yourself from the service fills us with the most poignant
sorrow,
e
Lo'
letters
and was one of the unfortunate persons that perished.
opened
o
1'
RE C RD •
CUP'
7.
by [ a brig from London] advise, that the Peggy, Fisher, from Virginia, was
cast away on the 26th November last, in sight of Liverpool, and that only the Captain, and
part of the crew, were saved. Mrs. Rathell, of this city, went passenger in the above vessel,
Some
1776
1776
The announcement
Dixon
21,
1,
as
it at
once
deprives
us
of
our
father and
general,
yet,
as
gentlemen,
we
are
PAMPHLET
FILL'
�compelled to applaud your spirited resentment to the most glaring indignity. May your
merit shine as conspicuous to the world in general as it that done to us, and may Heaven
shower its choicest blessings upon you.
Henry had hoped to be promoted to brigadier general in command of all Virginia
forces, and he was stunned by the action of Congress. On August 5, 1775, the Virginia
Convention had elected Henry colonel of the 1st Virginia Regiment and commander in
chief of all Virginia forces. With the new appointment Henry found himself under the
command
of officers who had been his subordinates.
Most of his friends believed that Henry would be an unsuccessful military commander
because of his lack of
experience.
Edmund Pendleton
was
worried: "
The unlucky step of
calling that gentleman from our councils, where he was useful, into the field, in an
important
stranger
station, the duties of which he must,
has given me many an anxious and
to,
in the nature
of things,
moment."
uneasy
be an entire
George
Washington
expressed the feeling that his" countrymen made a capital mistake, when they took Henry
out of the Senate to place him in the field; and pity it is that he does not see this, and
remove every difficulty by a voluntary resignation."
Henry felt slighted by the action of Congress. He immediately resigned and returned
to civilian
life convinced
that
he had been done
out
of
a
brilliant military
career.
�
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Title
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These Boisterous Times
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1976
Description
An account of the resource
“<em>These Boisterous Times…</em>” The Week in ’76 was a newsletter produced by the Colonial Williamsburg Department of Preservation and Research in 1976. Compiled by historian Harold Gill, the newsletter consisted of notable entries from the Virginia Gazette newspaper dated 1776 along with some additional historical background of the mentioned event or person. The newsletter was intended to assist Colonial Williamsburg’s interpreters with adding additional emphasis to events associated with 1776 during the celebration of the American Revolution Bicentennial (United States Bicentennial) in 1976.
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Title
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These Boisterous Times February 15-28, 1976
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
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An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1976-02-28
-
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e
1.
44
1
ii.
These Boisterous Times.. .
i
Iri!
i,
tm,.
A
i/,'
~ '
4)
i
,
-
Alexander
Purdie, Virginia Gazette,
1776
J anuary
1976
c.;:
tcH1V4s
1- 7, 1976
RECORD •
COPY '.
FEBRUARY
February
2,
February
Excerpts
o
1776
from Thomas
Paine'
s
Common
Sense
appeared
in
Purdie'
s
Virginia
Gazette on February 2 and in John Pinkney' s on February 3. Paine' s work was prob-
ably the most influential of all Revolutionary pamphlets and was designed to rally
support to the Patriot cause. A new edition of Common Sense was announced in the
Pennsylvania Gazette on February 14, of which " several hundred are bespoke, 1000
for Virginia." Not everyone was enthusiastic about the book. Landon Carter thought
it was" nonsense instead of Common Sense."
Williamsburg, Feb. 2, 1776
The subscriber intends moving up to Fredericksburg, where he will carry on the
stocking making business to a greater extent than formerly. He will be much obliged
to those who please to favour him with their work, and makes no doubt but what
work he does will meet with the approbation of the publick, for which he will expect
ready
money.
Adam Allan.
Adam Allan arrived in Virginia from Great Britain in 1772 and established a
stocking manufactory" at Williamsburg. He may have been inclined to move to
Fredericksburg because in September 1775 he managed to recover the " Great Seal
and Crest of the Collony of Virginia" for Lord Dunmore.
In Fredericksburg, Allan' s loyalist sympathies got him into trouble again. This
time he was " stript naked to the waist, Tarr' d and Feather' d and in that Situation
Fredericksburg upwards of two hours." Allan failed to mention how
he so offended the citizens of the town. Somehow Allan managed to remain alive and
Carted through
finally escaped to the British lines in November 1776.
February 7, 1776
On February 7, the Committee of Safety unanimously appointed Edmund Dickinson captain of the " recruits to be raised" in the District of York. Dickinson, a Wil-
liamsburg cabinetmaker, plied his trade at Anthony Hay' s old stand on Nicholson
Street. In 1776 when the Governor' s Palace was being refurnished for the new state
governor, Dickinson supplied some of the furniture.
In 1777 Dickinson was promoted to Major of the 1st Virginia Regiment, and he
was killed at the Battle of Monmouth on June 28, 1778. George Washington believed
that
he had lost "
a valuable
officer."
Notice of Dickinson' s death appeared
in the
Universal Magazine, an English publication.
The Virginia Committee of Safety in Williamsburg appointed John James Beckley
assistant
clerk
on
0
e
wil-t-`'
February
7.
Beckley,
at this time only 18 years
old, had worked
PAMPHLET FILE
�with John Clayton, clerk of Gloucester County, since his arrival in Virginia as an
indentured servant in 1769. On June 22, 1779, Beckley was appointed. clerk of the
Virginia House of Delegates, and he was elected the first clerk of the United States
House of Representatives in 1789.
February 8- 14
February 10, 1776
The Committee of Safety appointed a committee to agree with James Anderson for
the use of his blacksmith shop in Williamsburg for public service on February 10.
Anderson had served as armorer at the Public Magazine
cessful blacksmith.
since 1766 and was a suc-
In March the committee agreed with Anderson to rent his shop and tools and to
pay him and his workmen wages. The first extant copy of the contract is dated March
1777 when it was renewed:
Mr. James Anderson this day agreed to do Blacksmith' s work for the Commonwealth
of Virginia at his shop in Williamsburg on the following terms for six months, and for
a longer time unless he shall give the Board one month' s notice of his intention to
decline the Business, or they shall give him the same notice of their intention to discontinue him viz. Mr. Anderson is to be allowed fifteen shillings per day for his own
wages including Sundays, for the rent of his shop, six setts of Tools and eight Vices for
the Gunsmiths Business at the rate of ninety pounds per annum, he is to be allowed
1/ 6 per day for boarding each work man, for his two forges and five apprentices three
pounds per month Fach, and if he is deprived of either of them by any accident he is
to supply thlr place with another Hand as good; He is to employ workmen as the
public Business requires on the best terms he can, and charge the country with whatever wages he pays.
By 1779 Anderson' s business had outgrown his shop so that is was necessary to
rent the old Anthony Hay cabinet shop on Nicholson Street for more space. The
shops were moved to Richmond in 1780, where they were heavily damaged by the
British in January 1781.
Anderson continued in his capacity of public blacksmith until 1782 when he
resigned and returned to Williamsburg, where he died in September 1798.
Colonial
Williamsburg
Foundation
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
These Boisterous Times
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1976
Description
An account of the resource
“<em>These Boisterous Times…</em>” The Week in ’76 was a newsletter produced by the Colonial Williamsburg Department of Preservation and Research in 1976. Compiled by historian Harold Gill, the newsletter consisted of notable entries from the Virginia Gazette newspaper dated 1776 along with some additional historical background of the mentioned event or person. The newsletter was intended to assist Colonial Williamsburg’s interpreters with adding additional emphasis to events associated with 1776 during the celebration of the American Revolution Bicentennial (United States Bicentennial) in 1976.
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
These Boisterous Times February 1-14, 1976
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1976-02-14
-
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4a2b527dc3046b369eecf6369855ebc7
PDF Text
Text
R
e6
14111
i1
hese Boist' rous Times.. ."
hill
TH
File
76
'I
WEE
t°
Alexander Purdie, Virginia Gaze
January 1, 1776
i
JANUARY
Rc"`
1976
4-
R CO ''RD
January
t
18- 24, 1976
COP Y
ti•
20,
January
The
1776
fourth
Convention,
Virginia
which
had
been
meeting
in
Williamsburg
since
December, was adjourned. The Convention had laid the foundation for Virginia' s navy,
established county commissions to try loyalists who had borne arms, extended the
committee of safety for another year, ordered construction of salt works and powder mills
to relieve shortages of those commodities, and approved the " opening of our ports to all
persons willing to trade with us; Great Britain, Ireland, and the British West Indies
excepted."
Williamsburg, Jan. 20, 1776
I intend to leave the Colony immediately.
William Maitland.
William Maitland, a merchant, had arrived in Virginia in 1771 and had established a
business in Williamsburg, in partnership with Robert Miller, a local businessman and
bursar of the College. When Miller was absent in 1775 he left Maitland in charge and also
appointed him to " transact the Business of Bursar to the College of William and Mary."
But like many Virginians, Maitland was loyal to the king, and he joined Lord Dunmore
and abandoned "
considerable
property" (
unspecified) in Williamsburg.
January 21, 1776
Mr. Peter Scott' s old house in this city, which he had rented and lived in for 43 years,
was burnt down last Sunday night, by accident.
There
was
constant
danger in Williamsburg of fires.
Most of the buildings
were built
of wood, and even brick structures were not fireproof. The Wren Building at the College
burned in 1705 and the Capitol in 1747. The College acquired a fire engine in 1716, and
one was ordered for the Capitol in 1754. The first mention of a fire engine being used in
Williamsburg occurred when Dr. Peter Hay' s Apothecary Shop burned in 1756. By 1761
the City of Williamsburg had purchased an engine.
Scott's house was owned by John Parke Custis, George Washington' s stepson. Edmund
Randolph described the fire to Washington and assured him that the state government
would pay for the damages because the fire was started by soldiers quartered in the
building:
About 5 days since, Mr. Custis' s Tenement, where Scot lived, opposite the Church, was
burnt to the Ground, by the Negligence of some of the Soldiers, who had been quartered
there. The Wind, being due South, the out- House escaped the Flames; the Difficulty of
saving the Church became thereby very great. The Country are surely answerable for this
Damage,
as
gm
w
it accrued
in their
service.
PAMPHLET FILE
�January
January
24,
25- 31,
1776
1976
Fredericksburg, Jan. 24, 1776
The commissioners of the Gun Manufactory want a considerable quantity of Brass, for
mountings. Any old brass ( not mixed with bell metal) will do. Mr. Robert Nicolson of
Williamsburg will receive, and pay for, any quantity that may be delivered there: and the
commissioners beg the attention of other gentlemen to this necessary article. The cash will
be paid, on notice, by
The Commissioners.
Robert Nicolson, a well-known tailor and merchant, owned a store on Duke of Gloucester
Street near the Raleigh Tavern. He worked for many prominent citizens, among them St.
George Tucker, Robert Carter, and Lord Botetourt. It was not unusual for Nicolson to be
appointed agent for the Commissioners of the Gun Factory, because merchants were
often named to collect money or perform other tasks for out-of-town concerns.
January 25, 1776
Because of tightened credit and high wages, Archibald Diddep, a Williamsburg tailor,
announced that he would no longer extend credit to his customers.
Archibald Diddep, Tailor, Williamsburg, Returns his employers in general, and his old
customers in particular, the most cordial thanks for past services, and shall always be ready
to execute any command which they may hereafter intrust him with. As his family is
extensive, journeymens wages very high, and his creditors exceedingly solicitous for their
due, he hopes those whose accounts have been long standing will not take it amiss should
he earnestly entreat them to make immediate payment; and those for whom he shall in
future do business, it is expected, will not hesitate to tender down the cash so soon as their
work is done. Ladies riding habits are still made by him, on the shortest notice.
Francis Street, January 25, 1776.
In 1767, when he was about twenty years old, Archibald Diddep testified in a dispute
between James Mercer and Dr. Arthur Lee. Lee challenged Mercer to a duel to be
decided at the race track near Waller's Grove, just outside Williamsburg. Mercer appeared at the time and place appointed, but he claimed that Lee did not. Archibald Diddep,
who was employed as a tailor in Robert Nicolson' s shop on Francis Street, testified that
Nicolson believed
Mercer, a lodger in Nicolson' s house, to be in danger and asked him to
watch from the shop door. Diddep claimed that he had a clear view from Dr. Lee' s front
door to the race track and saw no one leave or enter Lee' s house. Diddep' s testimony,
along with that of others, proved that even though Lee challenged Mercer, Lee did not
keep the appointment.
By 1773 Diddep had opened a tailor' s shop next door to the Semple house on Francis
Street, where he carried on his work until his death in 1787. He was appointed an ensign
in Captain Southall' s company of Williamsburg militia on August 22, 1777.
January 27, 1776
The paper shortage had become so serious that John Pinkney announced in Dixon and
Hunter' s Gazette that he was unable to publish his newspaper this week.
After having received so many Instances of public Favour, I should think myself
inexcusable did I not make known the Reason why I do not this Week publish a Gazette. It
is owing to a Disappointment in receiving Paper from the Northward, which no human
Prudence could have prevented. Next Week, however, or in a short Time, I expect a very
considerable Quantity, when I shall endeavour to make up for all Deficiencies, and shall
continue to render my Paper, as far as the most unwearied Diligence can enable me, the
Vehicle of instructive Amusement, and of every Piece of authentic Intelligence, which may
be either curious or important. It gives me the greatest uneasiness that I cannot publish
such Advertisements
as ought to have appeared this Week, but as far as a Restitution of
Money can atone for the Disappointment,
it shall be made.
I am the Public' s obliged,
and devoted Servant,
John Pinkney.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
These Boisterous Times
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1976
Description
An account of the resource
“<em>These Boisterous Times…</em>” The Week in ’76 was a newsletter produced by the Colonial Williamsburg Department of Preservation and Research in 1976. Compiled by historian Harold Gill, the newsletter consisted of notable entries from the Virginia Gazette newspaper dated 1776 along with some additional historical background of the mentioned event or person. The newsletter was intended to assist Colonial Williamsburg’s interpreters with adding additional emphasis to events associated with 1776 during the celebration of the American Revolution Bicentennial (United States Bicentennial) in 1976.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
These Boisterous Times January 18-31, 1976
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1976-01-31
-
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986483e84d78cf476d7d3eda56ef9b7b
PDF Text
Text
8 6
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6
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.
These
OZSterous.
i
A'.,_
IN 76'
EE
THE
Alexander
Purdie,
Virginia
euarl7
Nis
JANUARY
The fourth
Williamsburg
a
day
and then adjourned to
represented Williamsburg in the place
Congress. The Convention
except Sunday at the Capitol from January 1 through January 20.
on
Wythe
met every
day
December
who
was
2.
Joseph
delegate
a
iiii
1976
Virginia Convention met in Richmond for
of George
G
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Prentis
to the Continental
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o
n
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9
w_—
January
1- 3, 1976
PAMPHLET
January 1, 1776
Alexander Purdie, publisher of the Virginia Gazette, announced that he would
require half of the money in advance for new subscriptions because of increased
expenses
and his need for cash.
Williamsburg,
Jan. 1, 1776
Considering the great rise in the price of Paper, the high expense attending the
transportation of it to this place from Philadelphia, and the difficulty there is to procure it almost on any terms, the Printer is reduced to the necessity of demanding
half the year' s subscription money from every new subscriber to his Gazette, and
begs that those who owe him for the last 11 months( from Feb. 3, 1775, to Dec. 31)
which is lls. 6d. would send in their subscriptions, and those that subscribed later to
pay in to Dec. 31st, at the rate of 12d. halfpeny per month, that he may begin a new
account, this New Year, with all his customers, whom he shall endeavour to serve to
the utmost of his abilities, and hopes to be able to furnish them always with pleasing
intelligence,
Those
even in these boisterous times.
indebted
to
me,
likewise,
for Advertisements,
Books,
Stationary, &
c.
will. exceedingly oblige me by paying off their accounts; as I have some debts of my
own to discharge, which I would willingly settle as soon as I am able.
I am the Publick' s obliged
And devoted
servant,
Alex. Purdie
By 1776 the paper mill in Williamsburg, founded by William Parks about 1744,
had apparently ceased operations and printing paper was being imported from Philadelphia by water. Colonial ships were now fair game for British men- of-war off the
coast, so transporting goods from Philadelphia by ship became risky and uncertain,
and higher prices resulted.
January 4- 10, 1976
January 5, 1776
In
response
American"
to the
wrote
burning
of Norfolk
in the Virginia
by
Lord Dunmore
Gazette advocating
on
January
independence: "
1,
1776, " An
Most freely
would I cut the Gordian knot which has hitherto formerly bound us to Britain, and
call on France and Spain for assistance against an enemy who seem bent on our
destruction."
About 30 British prisoners captured at the Battle of Great Bridge ( December 9,
1775) arrived in Williamsburg.
Williamsburg, Jan. 6, 1776
Yesterday were brought to this city, from the Great Bridge, Lieutenant Batut and
five or six privates of the 14th regiment, who were wounded at the late battle at that
place;
also
several
Tories,
sailors,
and
negroes,
prisoners,
in the
whole
about
30.
FILE
�January 6, 1776
Pictures of the Battle of Bunker Hill and a map of the" present Seat of Civil War"
were advertised for sale at Dixon and Hunter' s printing office in Williamsburg.
Just come to Hand, and to be Sold at the Printing- Office, A large and exact View of
the late Battle at Charlestown, Elegantly coloured, Price one Dollar.
Also an accurate Map of the present Seat of Civil War, Taken by an able Draughtsman who was on the Spot at the late Engagement. Price one Dollar.
January 11- 17, 1976
January 16, 1776
To be Sold before Robert Nicholson' s store, on Tuesday the 16th instant, A Great
variety of cabinetmakers tools, mohogany, walnut, and pine plank, ' likewise new
walnut
book
cases,
desks,
tables, &
c. belonging to the estate of mr. Peter Scott,
deceased. Six months credit will be allowed for all sums about 5L. the purchasers
giving bond with good security.
All persons indebted to the said estate, by bond or open account, are requested
to pay off as soon as possible; and those to whom the estate are indebted are desired
to call and receive payment, from
Alexander
Robert
Nicholson,
Craig,
Executors.
Peter Scott, a well- known Williamsburg cabinetmaker, had died in November
1775 at the age of 81 and the goods remaining in his shop were sold at auction. Scott
operated his shop on Duke of Gloucester Street across from Bruton Parish Church for
43 years and had served on the Common Council of the City of Williamsburg for
about 40 years. He made desks, bookcases, and tables of mahogany and walnut, but
no extant pieces of his cabinet work are known to exist.
Alexander Craig, one of Peter Scott' s executors, died sometime during the week of
January 12- 19. Each of Williamsburg' s three newspapers published notices of his
death.
Deaths] Mr. Alexander Craig, than whom a more honest, friendly, and obliging
man, does not exist; and whose memory will be always dear to his family, his friends,
and numerous acquaintances.
He was a committeeman,
and one of the common- hall
of this city, and carried on the saddling business, in all its branches, tis a greater
extent than any one ever did before in this colony.
Craig, a saddler, had been a resident of Williamsburg at least from 1748. He
carried on an extensive leatherworking business, which included a tannery on
Capitol Landing Road, and owned a shop next to the Raleigh Tavern and other
property
on
York Street
and in York
County.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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These Boisterous Times
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1976
Description
An account of the resource
“<em>These Boisterous Times…</em>” The Week in ’76 was a newsletter produced by the Colonial Williamsburg Department of Preservation and Research in 1976. Compiled by historian Harold Gill, the newsletter consisted of notable entries from the Virginia Gazette newspaper dated 1776 along with some additional historical background of the mentioned event or person. The newsletter was intended to assist Colonial Williamsburg’s interpreters with adding additional emphasis to events associated with 1776 during the celebration of the American Revolution Bicentennial (United States Bicentennial) in 1976.
Dublin Core
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Title
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These Boisterous Times January 1-17, 1976
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1976-01-17
-
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7aed978de757f6067653267b61dbbc0e
PDF Text
Text
WINTER 2022
NEWSLETTER
VOL. 4, NO. 3
LIBRARY AND HISTORICAL RESEARCH STAFF SUPPORT SPRAGGINS CARRIAGE PROJECT
The Benjamin Lewis Spraggins Sr. Sociable Carriage.
Photo Courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
IN THIS ISSUE
Spraggins Carriage:
p. 1-8
Coffelt fellow Meg Roberts:
p. 9
Consider the Sources :
p. 10-11
Albert Q. Bell Scrapbook:
p. 12-15
Friends of the Library:
p. 16-17
The departments of Historical Research and Digital History and
Rockefeller Library play key roles in supporting and promoting
research and education at Colonial Williamsburg, and directly impact programming and exhibitions throughout the Foundation.
A project to recognize and celebrate Colonial Williamsburg's Black
Coachmen highlighted the vital role each unit plays – before, during, and after the dedication of the Benjamin Lewis Spraggins, Sr.
Carriage. For more about this project, please read Janice Canaday’s The Benjamin Lewis Spraggins, Sr. Sociable Carriage blog.
1
�SPRAGGINS CARRIAGE
(continued)
John Wesley Sheppherd Jr.
Corporate Archives and Visual Resources
Researching Colonial Williamsburg’s Black Coachmen
In the early months of 2020, the Rockefeller Library was asked to assist Coach & Livestock with identifying Colonial Williamsburg’s Black coachmen. A new carriage was under construction in Pennsylvania and Coach & Livestock director Undra Jeter had
the idea to name it for one of these early coachmen to honor their unsung contribution to the Foundation’s history – but he
needed to know who these men were. Using Dr. Ywone Edwards-Ingram’s excellent article “Before 1979: African American
Coachmen, Visibility, and Representation at Colonial Williamsburg” (The Public Historian, Vol. 36 No. 1, p. 9-35, February 2014)
as a jumping off point, the staff of Visual Resources and Corporate Archives set to work. Dr. Edwards-Ingram had named several
of the Restoration and later eras Black coachmen in her article. Visual Resources combed through photographic prints of coaches and coachmen, checking photo and slide labels and photography logbooks, looking for additional named men. Corporate
2
�SPRAGGINS CARRIAGE
(continued)
Archives searched sources such as the CW News newspaper, CW Journal articles, and double-checked names against employee
information to confirm years of service. Corporate Archives was also able to use the library’s subscription to Ancestry to look
through census records, Virginia vital records, obituaries, cemetery records, and newspaper indexes to assemble basic biographical information for the identified coachmen. For one individual, there was even a scanned funeral program in Ancestry.
To date, the library has been able to identify nineteen Black coachmen: Junious Winder Bartlett, Kaley Dover Edwards,
Willie Lee Fitts, Reuben Hill, Sr., Charles Preston Jackson, Lewis Johnson, Jr., Joseph Louis Jones, Captain Mason, Willie Meekins,
Willie Washington Minkins, George Parsons, William H. Patterson, James Woodfield Sampson, John Wesley Shepperd, Sr., Benjamin Lewis Spraggins, Sr., Willie Stringfield, James Edward Wallace, Harmon Washington, Jr., and Dennis White. Current coachmen Undra Jeter, Adam Canaday, Collin Ashe, and Elijah Ford carry on their legacy. This is an ongoing project, and it is hoped
that more coachmen can be identified by name from the records and in the photographs held by Visual Resources.
After reading through the research, the committee tasked with naming the new carriage settled on Benjamin Lewis
Spraggins, Sr. Hired in 1934 as both the first coachman and the first Black coachman, Mr. Spraggins was employed as a costumed coachman for nineteen years, serving as an ambassador and tour guide for the Historic Area via carriage tours. He was
known as the “most photographed man in Williamsburg.” It was deemed fitting therefore that the new carriage be named for
him, honoring both him and the Black coachmen that he represented, their legacy, and their contributions to Colonial Williamsburg as we know it today.
Historical Research and Digital History
Researching and designing the Spraggins Carriage monogram
The Spraggins Carriage monogram.
Photo courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
3
�SPRAGGINS CARRIAGE
(continued)
Last year Colonial Williamsburg created a new carriage, the Benjamin Lewis Spraggins, Sr. Sociable Carriage. Sociable carriages were open four-wheel carriages with two double seats that face each other, meant to display the wealth of the passengers. The Spraggins sociable is named in honor the life and legacy of Mr. Benjamin Lewis Spraggins, Sr. Mr. Spraggins was
one of the most well-known coachmen at Colonial Williamsburg for 19 years.
At the beginning of the Spraggins carriage project the Historic Research team were invited to examine what decorative motifs should be applied to each of the Carriage four panels. Eighteenth-century coaches were often embellished with
decorative motifs on the flat panels of the carriage. We examined twenty-two references to contemporary American coaches and discovered half had devices on them. As expected, some of these were coats of arms, although there were also examples of animal heads, cyphers, and grotesque or allegorical figures.
We initially considered replicating a coat of arms, seeking a version from the College of Arms in the UK, the official
body that oversees and creates coats of arms. They have searched all the arms created since the late Medieval period and it
appears that there is no official coat-of-arms for the Spraggins surname. As we wanted to create an authentic 18th century
device that was directly applicable to Mr. Spraggins, we considered alternatives and the monogram device was seen as appropriate, accurate, and attractive.
The BLS monogram is based on the letters BLS, the initials of Benjamin L. Spraggins’ name.
Further research led us to uncover a French graphic design book published in 1724. 1 The book consists of monograms of various sets of initials. Luckily, the book contained the BLS monogram seen in the below image.
Enlargement of the original illustration from the 1724
design book.
1. Recueil d'emblêmes, devises, medailles, et figures hieroglyphiques ...Paris: C. Jombert. 1724. 119.
4
�SPRAGGINS CARRIAGE
(continued)
In the above illustration we have used color to highlight the BLS letters. Red for the B; Blue for the L, and Green for the S. As
you can see, the BLS letters are intertwined on the left side of the image. They were then reversed and added to the right side of
the monogram to create an attractive symmetrical device. The final device was hand painted in gold paint on the four side panels of the carriage. I think we all agree the carriage is a magnificent symbol of Mr. Spraggins’ legacy.
Media Collections
Visually documenting the painting of the Spraggins Carriage and Dedication Event
It’s already halfway through March and Media Collections has been extremely busy! As part of our mission to visually document
the history of The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, we’ve already created thousands of images for the archives. Our biggest
project thus far has been the photographic documentation of the Benjamin Spraggins Carriage Sociable Ceremony on February
26, 2022. The event took place on a cool but sunny winter day in front of the Courthouse on Market Square with well over 300
people in attendance. It began with a parade of local community partners that included groups like the Black Gum Saddle Club,
Buffalo Boyz Motorcycle Club, and New Zion Baptist Church. The Colonial Williamsburg Fifes & Drums marched and provided
music. Then came the carriages carrying members of the Spraggins family in 18th century style. It was quite possibly one of the
largest processions of horse drawn carriages on Duke of Gloucester Street in recent memory. Once the family arrived at the
Courthouse, interpreter Ronald Pressley moderated the hour with speakers that included President Cliff Fleet, retired master
silversmith Jimmy Curtis, retired master printer Willie Parks, Professor Robert Watson, and a prayer from James Ingram. Reginald Fox led the Community Choir in a song, “Ride On King Jesus.” Spraggins family members unveiled the new carriage, which
had been sitting to the side covered by a canvas drape. Members of the Coach & Livestock department presented the family
with a commemorative plaque and brought horses forward to harness to the vehicle. Coachman Adam Canaday drove the
5
�SPRAGGINS CARRIAGE
(continued)
Carriages bring Spraggins family members to the ceremony.
Photo courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
carriage for its first official ride carrying Benjamin Spraggins’ grandson Darryl Jimmerson, his wife and their grandson, and Coach
& Livestock director Undra Jeter. Collin Ashe and Elijah Ford served as footmen. After the ceremony, guests were invited to a
reception where hospitality provided a full menu that included regional favorites like ham biscuits, fried chicken, braised greens,
and potato salad. The Lodge pastry chefs also presented their own version of the Spraggins carriage made of modeling chocolate
and gold dust. Volunteer photographers Jerry McCoy and Wayne Reynolds each shot over 600 images of the festivities. These
images have been edited and processed and are currently being cataloged into The Source – Colonial Williamsburg’s official media archive and digital asset management system. Staff and volunteers can access these images (and tens of thousands of others)
with an online account. If you were unable to see the dedication ceremony in person - you can still see it online through Janice
Canaday’s The Benjamin Lewis Spraggins, Sr. Sociable Carriage blog.
6
�SPRAGGINS CARRIAGE
(continued)
Interpeter Ronald Pressley.
Photo courtesy of Jerry McCoy.
Spraggins carriage before the unveiling.
Photo courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
7
�SPRAGGINS CARRIAGE
(continued)
First drive of the Spraggins carriage with Spraggins family and Undra Jeter.
Photo courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
Spraggins carriage display piece at the reception.
Photo courtesy of Jerry McCoy.
8
�COFFELT FELLOW: MEG ROBERTS
Coffelt Fellow Meg Roberts at work in the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library.
In January, Colonial Williamsburg welcomed Meg Roberts, the 2019 Robert M. & Annetta J. Coffelt and Robert M. Coffelt Jr. Fellow, for a monthlong research fellowship. Meg’s visit was delayed multiple times due to COVID-19 travel restrictions.
The Coffelt Fellowship directly supports the educational mission of Colonial Williamsburg and is intended for doctoral candidates
and junior scholars working on topics related to the American Revolution, Early Republic, or ideas and philosophies of America's
founding fathers. We are very appreciative of the Coffelt family’s generous support of this fellowship opportunity.
Meg is currently pursuing a PhD in History at University of Cambridge, Newnham College. Her research explores the experience
of caregivers for sick and disabled people during the American Revolutionary War. This period saw a swell in both long-term and
short-term illnesses and disabilities, requiring intensified levels of care work at all levels of society. However, despite caregiving
labor being a routine aspect of the Revolutionary experience, it has received minimal attention in the current historiography of
the conflict. Her project draws together histories of disability, domestic work, medicine, war, emotions, household, and family,
and is concerned with both the physical and emotional experience of domestic care in times of crisis. This research is particularly
timely given the current prospect of assessing our own care practices as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic.
9
�CONSIDER THE SOURCES
Mark Your Calendars!
On May 20th at 1pm, the Rockefeller
Library’s Media Collections Manager,
Tracey Gulden, and Visual Resources
Librarian, Marianne Martin, will be
featured in Colonial Williamsburg’s
Livestream Consider the Sources:
Collections Exposed in celebration of
National Photography Month.
Volunteer photographer Wayne Reynolds captures aerial views of the Historic
Area with his drone.
10
Photography collections play a critical
role at Colonial Williamsburg. They
provide important visual evidence
that compliments documentary records and are used to illustrate a wide
variety of presentations, publications,
exhibitions, social media posts, and
promotional materials produced by
departments throughout the Foundation. With half a million analog photographic formats and over 440,000
digital assets, preserving, organizing,
and cataloging the vast archive of
images is daunting. Meet Visual Resources and Media Collections staff
and learn about their strategies for
storing and caring for the collections,
improving access and retrieval, and
facilitating outreach through public
programs and exhibits to underscore
the value of photographic repositories. Visit the visual archives to see
highlights of pre-restoration, restoration progress, and local history collections and media collections to find out
how the Foundation continues to expand and update its photo collections
through an active institutional photography program and digital asset
management system.
�CONSIDER THE SOURCES
(continued)
Photographers Jane Iseley and Frank Davis examining slides spread out on a light table in preparation for a Garden Symposium
lecture, photo by Tina Heuvel, 1976.
11
�ALBERT Q. BELL SCRAPBOOK
Front cover of the Albert Q. Bell scrapbook.
12
Corporate Archives recently was
given a scrapbook of newspaper
clippings and ephemera relating to
Albert Quentin Bell by a local donor and Bell family member. Bell
was an Englishman who had
moved to the United States in the
1920s and settled in Manteo, NC.
He had previously constructed
outdoor amphitheaters for The
Lost Colony play on Roanoke Island, for the Cherokee removal
drama Unto These Hills in Cherokee, NC, and had consulted on the
Matoaka Lake theater built for The
Common Glory in Williamsburg in
1947. In the 1950s, Bell was involved in the construction of The
Cove Amphitheatre at Lake Matoaka for the play The Founders: A
Drama of Jamestown and the fort
and glasshouse at Jamestown Festival Park, all created for the 350th
anniversary of Jamestown in 1957.
The scrapbook and various inserted ephemera are principally related to his work in 1956-1957 for
these Jamestown anniversary projects. Ephemera inserted into the
scrapbook includes a May 11,
1957, letter from The Founders
cast thanking Bell “from our hearts
for the beautiful theatre you have
built us” and a press packet announcing the premiere season of
The Founders. The Bell scrapbook
will be a permanent part of the
Corporate Archives and is available for research by appointment.
(Accession 2022-003)
�ALBERT Q. BELL SCRAPBOOK
(continued)
Interior pages with articles about reconstruction of the Jamestown fort, Albert Q. Bell Scrapbook.
13
�ALBERT Q. BELL SCRAPBOOK
(continued)
Page one, Letter from cast of The Founders to Albert Q. Bell, May 11, 1957. Albert Q. Bell Scrapbook.
14
�ALBERT Q. BELL SCRAPBOOK
(continued)
Cover of press packet for The Founders Premiere Season, May 13-October 19, 1957. Albert Q. Bell
Scrapbook .
15
�FRIENDS OF THE LIBRARY
In the last issue of our newsletter, we announced the formation of the Friends of John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library group. This initiative will bring together those with a personal commitment to strengthening the library’s collections and directly support the
library’s mission of supporting research and scholarship at Colonial Williamsburg. Annual membership fees will be used solely to
acquire, digitize, and conserve library research collections -– activities that directly support the work of our historic area interpreters, historians, and museum curators.
A prime example of how our Friends group would support Colonial Williamsburg’s educational mission is to help the
library purchase vital resources such as the newly acquired electronic subscription database Bray Schools in Canada, America,
and the Bahamas,1645-1900. This vital resource, created by the British Online Archives, provides access to primary resource
materials related to the history of the Bray Associates, directly supports one of the Foundation’s major current initiatives.
Another example is recent purchases of additional 18th-century Virginia Gazettes for our Special Collections. While
funding has allowed us to purchase several issues over the last several years, support from Friends would allow us to acquire
additional available issues. Returning these rare newspapers to Williamsburg where they were originally printed would allow
the library to provide ready access to these key resources.
Please consider becoming a Friend and supporting the work of Colonial Williamsburg. More information on this exciting new
venture can be found on the Friends of John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library page.
The Bray School database includes documents, minute books, letter books, and account books for
the Associates of Dr Bray.
16
�FRIENDS OF THE LIBRARY
(continued)
Front elevation of the Dudley Digges House shown in its original location on Prince George Street, in Williamsburg, Va. The
schoolhouse where enslaved and free Black children were taught before the Revolutionary War will be moved from the William
& Mary campus to Colonial Williamsburg and restored.
The John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library Newsletter is a publication of Colonial Williamsburg’s John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library.
Vice President, Education, Research, and Historic Interpretation
Beth Kelly
Executive Director, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library
Carl Childs
Editor
Doug Mayo
Contributors
Carl Childs, Peter Inker, Marianne Martin, Tracey Gulden
and Sarah Nerney
Please visit Friends of John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library for information on how you can support the Library.
To contact the library directly, please call 757-220-7249; 757-565-8510 or email us at rocklibrary@cwf.org.
17
�
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John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library Newsletter
Dublin Core
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John D. Rockefeller Jr Library newsletter. Volume 4, number 3, Winter 2022
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2022
-
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PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
August
19, 1999
The tenth issue of" The Network" contains information about the age at which males and
females reached their majority, a note on the April 1999 issue of the William and Mary
Quarterly, a bibliography on the abolition of slavery in England, and additional
information on the slaves and free blacks who worked in the shops operated by
Williamsburg' s cabinetmakers.
Coming of Age in Colonial Virginia"
Linda Rowe provides information about when males and females reached their majority
in eighteenth- century Virginia.
Documents from the colonial period contain a number of terms that described an
individual'
s
legal
status
by
Underage, minor( or minority), and infant( or infancy) in
age.
England and Virginia described free persons who were under the age of twenty- one.
Conversely, ofage, offull age, and majority( or occasionally major) referred to free
persons who had reached their twenty- first birthday and thus had come out of minority.
Legally, ages of slaves of both sexes were important only for tax purposes: at sixteen
years old the law required that they be added to their owners' list of tithables.
Consequently, the following discussion applies only to the free population of Virginia.
At first glance then, the interesting and important question of when free women in
eighteenth- century Virginia came of age has a straightforward answer. In both England
and Virginia during the colonial period all persons whether male or female were regarded
as underage, or legal infants, until they reached twenty- one years of age. To quote
William Blackstone' s Commentaries on the Laws of England, " the power of a father, I
say
over
the persons
of his
children
ceases at the age
of twenty-
one."
Two handbooks
published locally for Virginia justices of the peace confirm this rule for the colony.
George Webb' s The Office and Authority of a Justice ofPeace published in Williamsburg
in 1736 notes the following, " At Common Law, every Person under the Age of One
and Twenty Years is an Infant." Richard Starke' s work under the same title published
in
Williamsburg
in 1774
contains
a similar
statement, " BY an Infant, or Minor, is
meant any One who is under the Age of twenty one Years."
Feeling
what
a
they
bit giddy? Come
seem.
very clearly
adulthood.
on
A multiplicity
back down
of
to
earth!
circumstances—
Straightforward answers are rarely
sometimes expressed in law, often not
served to blur the line between minority and legal
Following directly on the statement quoted above, Blackstone added:
or
consistently—
�2
or that point which the law has established( as some must necessarily be
established) when the empire of the father, or other guardian, gives place
to the empire of reason.
Thus, while Virginia law limited minors' rights and enacted measures for their protection
especially orphans), it also permitted persons much younger than twenty- one to make
certain decisions for themselves. At ten years old they could bind themselves apprentices
by their own consent and agreement, at fourteen choose a guardian, and at seventeen have
the" produce of their owne labours" if orphaned and not bound apprentices. Moreover,
marriage and inheritance laws, common practice and criminal law must be taken into
account.
The Virginia code required consent of parents or guardian when either party to a marriage
shall be
the age
under
of
one
and
twenty
years."
It is true that marriage laws singled
girls out for particular attention under certain circumstances: they could marry legally as
young as twelve with permission. It is worth noting, however, that protection of family
lands and property was at least one objective of this legislation( acts" for the prevention
of
clandestine
Marriages").
If" a Feme of Twelve, and under Sixteen Years of Age"
married without consent, she lost her estate which then descended to the next heir at law,
at
least for
the
duration of
that
marriage. (
NOTE:
These laws do not constitute evidence
that girls in the eighteenth- century usually or often married at twelve.)
Virginia lawmakers often held fast to legal majority at twenty-one, but they also invested
minors in their late teens with certain important" adult" prerogatives. In practical terms
these laws applied to boys and unmarried girls (see discussion below regarding
femes covert). A 1727 Virginia law clarifying distribution of estates expanded minors'
legal capabilities by granting them a measure of control over their estates:
any infant, above the age of eighteen years, by his or her last will and
testament in writing, may dispose and bequeath the absolute right,
property, and interest, of any slave or slaves where of he or she shall be
possessed.
The act did not specifically mention land or personal property, but Starke noted that
though the common law had not established precisely at what age an individual could
will personal estate, it was generally allowed at eighteen years. Consequently it is not too
unusual to see testators specify that bequests be delivered to their daughters or
granddaughters at marriage or age eighteen( or some other late teen year), whichever
came first. Stark also stated that at seventeen an infant( minor) could legally take
administration or prove a will.
It is also true that people in every day life often equated marriage during minority with
passing a twenty-first birthday. In York County wills of the 1760s and ` 70s, marriage
was an important benchmark but the alternative was usually " reaches her majority" or
comes
of
age."
Lawson Burfoot of Bruton Parish in 1765 stated
that
his
children'
s
�3
not to be divided until his daughter Sarah"
of
Many
like Frederick Bryan stipulated age twenty- one unless marriage came first: His daughter
slaves
were
Frances Bryan inherited "£
arrival
to the age
comes
age
or marries."
500 current money to be paid her at day of her marriage or
James Crandall left his daughter Elizabeth£
of 21 years."
50, half when
she turned 21, the other half at her mother' s death. After the testator' s death a legacy
passed directly to the feme sole( single woman) at the appointed age where it remained
under her control until she married. Unencumbered land or personal property of a feme
covert ( married woman) became as much her husband' s as her own, because she had no
legal identity separate from his. Without her husband' s consent or participation, a wife
could not give or deed away unencumbered land and personal property she brought to the
marriage. (
Though infrequently employed in Virginia, a premarital agreement was one
way to
keep
a woman'
s
property
in her
own
hands
during
her
Widowhood
marriage.)
returned a woman to feme sole status; with it returned her ability to convey property,
make a valid contract, sue or be sued, execute a deed, or make a will.
Testators usually specified age twenty- one or majority for their male legatees, too. John
Wynne left his grandson Thomas Wynne 150 acres of land when he " shall arrive at the
age
Likewise William Nelson' s will stated that should either of his sons
of 21 years."
Nathaniel or William die" before he comes of age" the survivor was to have his share.
There is the occasional reference to boys in their late teens acting as agents for other
people. In 1777 Messrs. Pasteur and Galt, apothecaries in Williamsburg, authorized their
apprentice, eighteen year-old William Pelham, to" settle and collect their Partnership, and
private
and
accounts"
to
discharge any debts of
their
own. (
Remember, though, legally
Pelham would not be eligible to serve in public office until he turned twenty- one.)
It is worth noting that Virginia law did not exempt legal infants from culpability in
criminal matters. Webb minced no words when he said that anyone under twenty- one
was an infant" but this holds only in Civil Causes, for in Criminal Matters the Law
regards
the Age
of Discretion,
which is 14 Years."
There are numerous
exceptions
to
even that rule, however. ( See Cathy Hellier' s article from the November 1990 issue of the
Interpreter.)
Finally, I can find nothing to substantiate the claim that free unmarried women in colonial
Virginia legally reached their majority at eighteen and men at twenty- one. If there were
exceptions to the"
rule
of twenty-
The April 1999 issue of
and American Atlantic
the
one,"
William
Worlds."
they applied to both sexes alike.
and
Mary Quarterly
is
a
special issue
on"
African
In his introduction to this issue, Phil Morgan notes " The
combined effect of these articles is to suggest plurality; hence, the title. The essays
demonstrate, above all, variation; they present slices, segments of the Atlantic world; they
concern overlapping worlds in motion. No one slavery, no unitary slave trade, no single
black
experience
existed."
1
�4
Bibliography for " Am I Not a Man and a Brother: Abolition and Antislavery in the
Early Chesapeake"
Martha Katz- Hyman provides a list of books that she consulted during her research for
her exhibit on abolition and antislavery in the early Chesapeake at the DeWitt Wallace
Gallery. Several of the books focus on the institution of slavery in England.
The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition 1760- 1810. Atlantic
Roger.
Anstey,
Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1975.
Barbour,
Hugh, and J. William
Frost.
The Quakers.
Westport, CT: Greenwood Press,
1988.
Craton, Michael, James Walvin, and David Wright, eds. Slavery, Abolition, and
Black Slaves and the British Empire. London: Longman, 1976.
Emancipation,:
Dabydeen, David.
Hogarth'
Art. Denmark :
Davis, David Brion.
s
Images ofBlacks in Eighteenth Century English
Blacks:
Mundelstrup ;
Kingston- upon- Thames: Dangaroo Press, 1985.
The Problem ofSlavery in the Age ofRevolution 1770- 1823. Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1975.
The Problem ofSlavery in Western Culture. Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
1966.
Fladeland, Betty L. Men and Brothers: Anglo- American Antislavery Cooperation.
Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972.
Hirschfeld, Fritz. George Washington and Slavery: A Documentary Portrayal.
Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1997.
Hoffer, Peter Charles, ed. Africans Become Afro- Americans:
Slavery
Hogg,
in the American
Peter C.
Colonies.
New York:
Selected Articles on
Garland
Publishing,
Inc.:
1988.
The African Slave Trade and its Suppression: A Classified and
Annotated Bibliography ofBooks, Pamphlets and Periodical Articles. London:
Frank Cass, 1973.
Jennings, Judith.
Cass,
The Business
of Abolishing
the
British Slave Trade.
London:
Frank
1997.
Locke, Mary Stoughton. Anti-Slavery in America from the Introduction ofAfrican Slaves
to the Prohibition
1965.
of the
Slave Trade ( 1619- 1808).
Gloucester,
MA:
Peter Smith,
�5
Mathews, Donald G. Slavery and Methodism: A Chapter in American Morality 17801845.
Westport, CT:
Greenwood Press, 1965.
McColley, Robert. Slavery and Jeffersonian Virginia. 2nd ed. Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1973.
Midgley,
Clare.
Women Against
The British Campaigns 1780- 1870. London:
Slavery:
Routledge, 1992.
Oldfield, John R. Popular Politics and British Anti-
Slavery: The mobilisation ofpublic
opinion against the slave trade 1787- 1807. Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1995.
Perry, Lewis, and Michael Fellman. Antislavery Reconsidered:
Abolitionists.
Porter, Dale H.
Baton Rouge:
New Perspectives on the
Louisiana State University Press, 1979.
The Abolition ofthe Slave Trade in England, 1784- 1807. Hamden, CT:
Archon Press, 1970.
Sobel, Mechal.
Travelin'
On:
The Slave Journey to an Afro- Baptist Faith. Westport,
CT: Greenwood Press, 1979.
Soderlund, Jean. R.
Quakers & Slavery:
University Press, 1985.
Sypher, Wylie.
Guinea'
Century.
David.
Turley,
s
Captive Kings:
Chapel Hill:
The Culture
A Divided Spirit.
Princeton:
Princeton
British Anti- slavery Literature of the XVlllth
The University of North Carolina Press, 1942.
of English Antislavery,
1780- 1860.
London;
Routledge,
1991.
Walvin, James.
England, Slaves and Freedom, 1776- 1838.
Basingstoke:
Macmillan,
1986.
ed. Slavery and British Society 1776- 1846. London: Macmillan, 1982.
Worrall,
Jay,
Jr.
Iberian
Yellin,
The Friendly Virginians: America' s First Quakers. Athens, GA:
Publishing Co., 1994.
Jean Fagan, and John C. Van Horne,
Political Culture in Antebellum
eds.
America.
The Abolitionist
Ithaca :
Cornell
Sisterhood:
University
Women' s
Press,
1994.
�6
The Cabinetmaker
Peter Scott, Anthony Hay, Edmund Dickenson, James Honey, and Yorktown' s James
Tyrie depended upon skilled slaves and a free man of color in their cabinetmaking
businesses. It is possible that enslaved men owned and rented by Richard Booker and
Benjamin Bucktrout and the slave hired by John Crump also helped to produce furniture
in Williamsburg.
Peter Scott
Peter Scott was in Williamsburg by 1722 and he established his cabinetmaking business
on the south side of Duke of Gloucester Street( across from Bruton Parish Church) by
1733. Scott placed the following advertisement in the Virginia Gazette on September 12,
1755:
Before Mr. Finnie' s Door, on the 23d Day of October next, Two Lots of Ground,
situate on the Back Street, near Col. Custis' s in Williamsburg; on which there is a
good Dwelling House, containing Six Rooms and Closets, a good dry Cellar, with
all convenient Out- Houses, and a good Well: Twelve Months Credit will be
allowed the Purchaser giving Bond and Security. At the same Time and Place
will be sold, for Bills of Exchange or ready Money, Two Negroes, bred to the
Business of a Cabinet- maker; likewise will be sold, at the Subscriber' s Shop near
the Church, sundry Pieces of Cabinet Work, of Mahogony and Walnut, consisting
of Desks, Book- Cases, Tables of various Sorts, Tools, and some Materials.
Six
Months Credit will be given to those that purchase above the Value of Fifty
Shillings, on their giving Bond and Security; and Five per Cent. will be allowed
for ready Money.
And as I intend to go for Great- Britain the latter End of next Month,
therefore I desire all Persons indebted to me, to make speedy Payment, otherwise
they may expect Trouble without further Notice.'
Scott stayed in Williamsburg and continued his cabinetmaking business. It is possible
that he decided to keep the enslaved cabinetmakers to work in his shop. On November 2,
Jefferson noted that he" Pd. Peter Scott in full £ 16" and" Gave negro man
1772, Thomas
at Peter Scott'
Virginia
s
Gazette,
2/."
2
12 September
1755.
James A. Bear, Jr., and Lucia C. Stanton, eds., Jefferson' s Memorandum Books:
Accounts, with Legal
and Miscellany,
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), I: 296, 297; see
also Wallace B. Gusler, Furniture of Williamsburg and Eastern Virginia 1740- 1790,( 1979; reprint,
Records
1767- 1826, 2 vols.,(
Williamsburg: Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 1993), p. 26; and Ronald L. Hurst and Jonathan Prown,
Southern Furniture 1680- 1830: The Colonial Williamsburg Collection,( Williamsburg:
Colonial
Williamsburg Foundation in association with Harry N. Abrams, Inc. Publishers, 1997), pp. 370, 373n, 452,
457n.
�7
Scott died in December 1775. The cabinetmaker lived on the James City County side of
Williamsburg and it is likely that his will and inventory were recorded in that county.
Alexander Craig and Robert Nicholson, the executors of Scott' s estate placed information
about the sale of his personal property in the January 5, 1776 issue of Purdie' s Virginia
Gazette. They announced:
To be SOLD before Robert Nicolson' s store, on Tuesday the 10th instant,
A GREAT variety of cabinet- makers tools, mohogany, walnut, and pine plank,
likewise new walnut book cases, desks, tables, & c. belonging to the estate of mr.
Peter Scott, deceased.
Six months credit will be allowed for all sums above 5 1.
the purchasers giving bond with good security.'
The fact that Craig and Nicholson did not include an enslaved cabinetmaker in the list of
Scott' s estate suggests that this cabinetmaker hired the slave whom Jefferson tipped in
1772, sold this slave before he died, or bequeathed the enslaved man in his will.
Anthony Hay
Anthony Hay worked as a cabinetmaker when he first arrived in Williamsburg. In
November 1751 he placed an advertisement in the Virginia Gazette for a journeyman and
a servant. Evidence indicates that Hay gained the services of two workers who saw his
announcement. On the last day of 1751 the cabinetmaker purchased a pair of indentures
at William Hunter' s printing office. In May of the following year Hay paid Hunter for
another pair of indentures. It is possible that Hay used these indentures to secure the
services
of
a white
apprentice
or
to purchase
an
enslaved laborer.'
Hay and Christopher
Ford Junior sold carpenter' s, joiner' s, and cabinetmakers tools in 1755. A carver named
James Wilson also worked in Hay' s shop in 1755.
The cabinetmaker' s household included journeymen and slaves. Hay' s son, Thomas,
inherited a slave woman named Elizabeth from his grandfather, Thomas Penman, in
September 1759. A child named Jeremiah was baptized on January 7, 1759 and another
child, Tom,
was
baptized
on
June 7, 1761.
The baptism of Ben, the son of his slave
woman Peg, was recorded in 1762. Hay sent Rippon, age three, to the Bray School in
September of 1762. In September 1764 Hay had a slave named Wiltshire pick up a
spelling
book
at the
printing
office.'
Two
more
slave
children—
Richard, the son of
3 Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 5 January 1776.
Virginia Gazette Journals, 1750- 1752( William Hunter), Alderman Library, University of Virginia;
Rockefeller Library Microfilm No. M- 1 136, 7 November 1751, 31 December 1751, and 30 May 1752. See
also Gusler, Furniture of Williamsburg, p. 61.
5
Wiltshire
also
ran
errands
to the
Printing
Office
on
June
13,
1765 and September
13,
1765.
�8
Peg' s daughter Lucy— were baptized in April and June of 1765, respectively.
Jenny, another one of Peg' s daughters, attended the Bray School in November of 1765.
Nanny,
and
Hay decided to give up his cabinetmaking business in 1767. He purchased the Raleigh
Tavern and the twenty- acre parcel of land adjoining Williamsburg from William Trebell
on January 1, 1767. A week later he announced these changes in the Virginia Gazette.
Hay informed " The Gentlemen who have bespoke work of the subscriber may depend
upon having it made in the best manner by Mr. Benjamin Bucktrout, to whom he has
given up his business." 6 Benjamin Bucktrout' s announcement in the Virginia Gazette
noted that Hay had moved to the Raleigh Tavern. It is possible that Hay rented his shop
and his skilled
Anthony Hay
slave
man,
Wiltshire,
to Bucktrout.
died between November
7
19, 1770 and December
17,
1770.
Hay left his
whole estate ( after the payment of his debts) to his widow, Elizabeth, for her support and
for the maintenance and education of his children.
After her death, all of his children
except Thomas who had been provided for by his grandfather) were to share the estate.
The February 2, 1771 inventory of Hay' s estate listed twenty slaves and their appraised
values:
Lucy £ 25
Peggy and
her
children
Ben,
Lucy, Jimmy,
and
Jenny £
125
Caesar£ 45
Gaby £
60
Rachel £ 30
Rippon £ 60
Jerry £
50
Wiltshire £ 65
Sarah and her child Mary £ 70
Will £ 60
Tom £ 50
Kate £ 50
Betty £ 50
Nancy and her child Edmund£ 60
On January 17, 1771, William Trebell and Robert Nicholson, the executors of Hay' s
estate, announced two sales of his real and personal property. The first was to be on
March 6, 1771 and included
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., January 8, 1767.
There is no clear statement that Wiltshire was the" very good Cabinet Maker" whom Hay owned.
However, Wiltshire was the highest valued slave in the inventory of Hay' s estate and it is unlikely that
Will, valued at£ 60,
James Southall would have purchased a cabinetmaker at the sale of Hay' s estate.
probably
the"
good
Coachman
and Carter."
was
�9
THAT noted and well accustomed Tavern in Williamsburg, called the RALEIGH,
which has every Convenience to it, and an exceeding fine stable and Pasture
adjoining. At the same Time will be sold the Stock of LIQUORS, a great
Quantity of HOUSEHOLD and KITCHEN FURNITURE, some CHAIRS and
HARNESS, CARTS and HORSES, CATTLE, SHEEP, &
c.
Also a very good
DWELLINGHOUSE on the back street, where Mr. Hay formerly lived, with large
Cabinet Maker' s Shop and Timber yard, and all nescessary Out houses for a
Family.
The second sale was to be on May 7, 1771 before the door of the Raleigh. People would
have the opportunity to buy " nineteen NEGROES belonging to the said Estate among
them a very good Cabinet Maker, a good Coachman and Carter, some fine Waiting Boys,
good Cooks, Washers, & c." 8
Elizabeth
Hay
renounced
the will of her deceased
husband
on
March 20, 1771.
She
bought Lots 263 and 264 at the March 6, 1771 sale and received a deed for this property
January 18, 1772. The
9
Mary— on May 7, 1771.
on
widow
Hay
also
James Southall
bought two
slaves—
Sarah and her daughter
paid£ 101 for a negro fellow named Will whom
on November 6, 1771. 10 It is likely that
purchased at the sale of Anthony Hay'
Edmund Dickenson gained possession of Wiltshire, the cabinetmaker. However, it is not
clear if Dickenson rented him from Hay' s estate or purchased him."
he
s estate
Benjamin
Bucktrout
Benjamin Bucktrout took over Anthony Hay' s cabinetmaking business on January 1,
1767. It is possible that Hay hired Wiltshire to Bucktrout and that Edmund Dickenson
also worked for the new master of the Hay Shop. Bucktrout operated his business at
Hay' s Shop until January 1771 when he relocated to the Chiswell- Bucktrout House on
Francis Street. Bucktrout advertised for journeymen cabinetmakers in September 1769
8 Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., January 17, 1771. William Marshman' s accounts indicate that
Anthony Hay had a" Black Waiting Man"( 28 December 1769). It is probable that Will was the man who
drove the cart that Marshman hired on February 1769.
9 Elizabeth Hay paid the assessment on Sarah and Mary( both over sixteen years old) in 1784 and 1786.
The widow Hay' s household also included Judith( under sixteen years old in 1786), Nelly( under sixteen in
1784 and over sixteen in 1786), and Sall( under sixteen in 1784 and 1786).
10 Southall Receipt Book; see also note 7 above.
Alexander
was£
Craig,
James Southall, and Blovet
Pasteur
noted that
Hay'
s slaves
sold for£
1007, a sum that
207 higher than the appraised value of the enslaved individuals. Unfortunately, they did not list the
names of the people who purchased these slaves. York County Wills and Inventories( 22) 168- 172, dated
16 April
1773 and recorded
17
May
1773.
�10
and for apprentices in February 1775. This cabinetmaker decided to sell a slave woman
whom he described as " an exceeding good washer and ironer" in August of 1779. 12
Edmund Dickenson
It is likely that Edmund Dickenson gained possession of Hay' s enslaved man Wiltshire—
a very good Cabinet Maker"— after the death of the keeper of the Raleigh Tavern in late
1770. Unfortunately, extant documents do not indicate if Dickenson purchased or hired
Wiltshire.
However, it is known that Dickenson opened his business in the shop formerly
occupied by Hay in January 1771.
Wiltshire worked in Dickenson' s shop with James Tyrie, his owner' s apprentice. Tyrie
learned the skills of a cabinetmaker from Dickenson between August 1772 and August
1777. It is likely that Dickenson employed several journeymen in his shop. Dickenson
advertised for
journeymen
cabinetmakers
in November 1771 and September of 1773.
In
July 1774 George Hamilton, a carver and gilder from Britain, worked out of Dickenson' s
shop. There were seven workers in the cabinetmaker' s shop in 1775, the year he failed to
turn in a list of his tithes.
Dickenson enlisted in the army and he received a commission as a captain in the First
Virginia Regiment.
killed
at the
Dickenson rose to the rank of a major by October 1777. He was
Battle of Monmouth
on
June 28, 1778."
The July 1778 inventory of
Dickenson' s estate did not include any slaves. 14 Either Wiltshire died before Dickenson
or he had a new master by 1778.
James Tyrie
James Tyrie learned the skills of a cabinetmaker from Edmund Dickenson between
August 1772 and August 1777. Tyrie opened a shop in Yorktown after he finished his
apprenticeship. Francis Hern, a free mulatto, apprenticed himself to James Tyrie on July
19, 1785. Hern agreed to serve until his twenty- first birthday. 15 Tyrie died in the spring
of 1786. His inventory included five slaves: Betty valued at£ 40; Frank, a boy valued at
25; Milly and her child Ben valued at£ 60; and Prince valued at£ 20.
12 Virginia Gazette, Dixon ed., 28 August 1779.
13 Gusler, Furniture of Williamsburg, pp. 66- 67; Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, p. 305.
14 York County Wills and Inventories( 22) 401, dated 28 July 1778 and recorded 17 August 1778.
15
York
County
Deeds(
6) 274, dated
and recorded
19
July
1785.
�11
John Crump
John Crump hired one of Henry Wetherburn Nicholson' s slaves from his guardian,
Benjamin Weldon, in 1780.
The
cabinetmaker
11. 10 for the hire of an enslaved
paid£
The
following year Crump paid£ 16 for the labor of Peter and Nanny for one
year. Perhaps Peter assisted Crump in his business.
worker.
Richard Booker
Richard Booker advertised for journeymen cabinetmakers in November 1773, April 1774,
October 1774, January 1775 ( with his partner, John Crump), and July 1776. It is possible
that Booker had enslaved men who worked in his shop in the late 1780s. Booker had
fourteen slaves over the age of twelve in his household in 1788.
James Honey
James Honey was a cabinetmaker who lived in Williamsburg from June 1776 until the
time of his death in April 1787. In 1782 Honey gained a free mulatto apprentice after the
death of his friend, Thomas Jarvis. In his will Jarvis noted
It is also my desire that my mulatto boy Billy whom I believe to be my son should
be
free next
set
session
of assembly &
I
that my
request
exrs. (
who I shall
hereafter name) see to have it so done Likewise that the sd Billy Jarvis should be
bound to James Honey of the City of Williamsburg to learn his trade & calling but
that
he shall be free
when
he
arrives
to 21 years of
It is
age.
also
my will & desire
brother&
sister to the sd Billy at
that they shall be set
present
free in the same manner before mentioned. I give to the sd Billy Jarvis his heirs
that my
exrs.
the
exrs.
purchase two
mulatto
children
property of Nathaniel Burwell
forever my
negro
woman
Sarah&
Kings Creek&
on
Pat&
all the ballance of my estate of
what kind soever after purchasing out of the same the afore mentioned mulatto
children but if the sd Nathaniel Burwell whould not agree to sell the sd children
namely
Franky & Johnny
the whole
balance
after
paying
all my
just&
lawfull
debts to belong to the sd Billy Jarvis.
I
nominate &
appoint my friends James Honey of the City of Williamsburg &
County to be my exrs. & to see the fair& just settling of
Robert Goodrich of York
my estate. I likewise desire they may see the sd Billy Jarvis properly educated &
that they have the disposal of the above estate til he arrives at 24 years of age. I
likewise impower the sd James
what
part of
the
Honey& Robert Goodrich to retain all the negroes
stock of horses,
cattle,
hogs&
c they may see proper for my
plantation for this present year, then to be disposed of as they may judge most to
the advantage
of
the
sd
Billy.
16
16 York County Wills and Inventories( 23) 537- 538, dated 2 February 1781 and recorded 17 September
1782;
ibid., pp.
156- 157, dated 24 September
1782 and recorded
21 April
1788.
Nathaniel
Burwell
Junior
�12
Perhaps Jarvis turned to Honey as the executor of his estate and the teacher of Billy Jarvis
because the slaves whom Honey owned at his death in 1787 included a" negro man that
has been brought up to the cabinet business.'
It is possible that Robert Goodrich handled Thomas Jarvis' s estate after the death of
James Honey since Billy Jarvis ( born in circa 1769; see below for information on Billy
Jarvis' s age) was not yet twenty- four years old. Billy Jarvis was about thirteen years old
when Thomas Jarvis died and about eighteen years old when James Honey died. Billy
Jarvis used the name William Jarvis as an adult and lived in York County. He registered
a description of himself with the clerk of York County on December 17, 1810:
William
Jarvis
a
bright
mulatto
about
41 years of
age—
five feet 7 `/ 2 Inches high—
bald on the top of his head a scar on the right side of his head an one on his left
Emancipated by the will of Thomas Jarvis decd recorded in York Ct on the
foot—
blank]
day
of[
]
177 [ ]
Perhaps three other free men of color with the surname of Jarvis were related to
Billy/ William Jarvis. Charles Jarvis was about twenty- one years old in 1814, John Jarvis
was about twenty- four years old in 1826, and Thomas Jarvis was about twenty- one years
old in 1822. All three men were free- born mulattos.'$
was one of the three men who appraised Jarvis' s estate. The September 1782 inventory of Jarvis' s estate
included
second
three
wench,
slaves:
Sampson
Pat, appraised
at£
a
fellow
valued
at£
90,
a
wench
named
Sarah
Lorena S. Walsh, From Calabar to Carter' s Grove:
Virginia Gazette and Weekly Advertiser,
York
County
was
worth£
The History of a Virginia Slave Community,
Charlottesville and London: University Press of Virginia, 1997), p. 257.
18
who
30, and a
50. Burwell sold Franky and Johnny to Jarvis' s executors in 1782. See
Register of Free Negroes&
17 May 1787.
Mulattoes
1798- 1831.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. August 19, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-08-19
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/313a3e85ef6a629b8aa36e8f55e13cb1.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=jKX8vx-p4VisJb7477NzO8ygJoTU5bw-wR6zw3HOpryheiywmE6QQ6O9aajS7WleGodNoHKJ%7Eo1WVUsAJbKuk4d8DiPnybDiUonXrnzQTbb0brjxq14Dt-v6UziPlE7rgEfLLRvN0xSoEZ1HPZjSxrUgxDBLARF7O4IveGSBcZab7Ce63CTk-qObuTqDjnP0-ByTOSn2AGg%7E3x2k309fRuPlxGWmV9eOHWCYGpunYgpSqDeA1MW%7El57hHPPIF1AUSJaxIXAzmUF1hnCGJiF71NFvo2tUyPkrBq2iFvUBKUpg7tx9sYblY-AaFXWOvPvKHHMrI97BQNmnZ8KkotIBZQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
ab7d2908a971082868aab4e2219ae895
PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
August 5, 1999
The ninth issue of" The Network" contains a table of contents for the " American
Diversity— Williamsburg" section of the Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, answers to
questions from a recent training class, two newspapers announcements that provide
details about slaves who held seats for their masters at the Second Theater in
Williamsburg and slave funerals, details about slaves owned by the Prentis Family,
information about an exhibit of the work of an enslaved African- American Potter named
Dave, information about the Henrietta Marie exhibit, and a list of recently published
books on race and African- American history and culture.
Table of Contents—
The
American Diversity:
Williamsburg
255- 260
Apothecary
The Blacksmith
261- 262
The Brush- Everard House
263- 267
The Cabinetmaker
268- 269
The Capitol
269- 280
The Carpenter'
Carter'
s
s
and Brickmaker'
s
Yard
281- 292
292- 320
Grove
The College of William and
Mary
320- 323
The Courthouse
323- 338
The First Baptist Church
338- 342
Foodways Programs
342- 344
The
Geddy
House
The Governor'
The Gunsmith
s
Palace
344- 345
345- 359
359- 360
�The Harness and Saddlemaker
361- 362
Market Square
363- 371
The Milliner
372
Shop
The Powell House
373- 376
The
377- 380
Printing
Office
The Public Gaol
381- 390
The Raleigh Tavern
391- 395
The Randolph House
396- 405
The Shoemaker
405- 406
The Silversmith
407- 408
The
Mary
Stith House
The Tan Yard
Wetherburn'
s
409- 410
411- 412
Tavern
413- 415
The Wheelwright
415- 417
The Wigmaker
417- 418
The Windmill, Cooper, and Rural Trades
419- 420
The Wythe
Endnotes
House
420- 429
430- 450
Lorena S. Walsh provides answers to the following questions from a recent training class.
Question: When did the British set up a trading post on the west coast of Africa and get
directly involved in the overseas slave trade?
�f
3
Answer: The first English trading posts on the West African coast were established by
the Guinea Company, a joint stock company granted a monopoly of trade in the area
between Senegal and the Bite of Benin by King James I in 1618. This group was
principally involved in the gold and dyewood trades rather than the slave trade, and they
concentrated their efforts primarily in Senegambia and Sierra Leone. This company
employed
a renegade
Dutch
trader
who
established English trading posts (" factories")
on
the Gold Coast starting in 1632. Guinea Company trading posts included Komenda,
Kormantin, Winneba, Anomabu, Takordai, and Cape Coast. During the English Civil
War and the Commonwealth government( 1642- 1660) the Guinea Company' s rights were
challenged, and various English groups, including the East India Company, briefly
established assorted trading posts in various places on the Gold Coast. With the
introduction of sugar cultivation in Barbados in the early 1640s, assorted private English
traders, many violating the Guinea Company' s legal monopoly in the Gold Coast area,
began shipping slaves to Barbados.
After Charles II was restored in 1660, the next group granted monopoly trading rights in
West Africa and which established trading posts explicitly involved in the slave as well
as the gold and other commodity trades was the Company of Royal Adventurers
composed mainly of
courtiers),
set up in 1660 and rechartered in 1663. This company set
up a fort on James Island in Gambia in 1661, and in 1663 took over the previously
established English factories on the Gold Coast. The Adventurers claimed to have
established or re- established 18 factories ( primarily on the Gold Coast) by the end of
1663. But in the next two years most of these posts were retaken by the Dutch.
The Adventurers were bought out and replaced by the Royal African Company, another
joint stock company to which the King also granted monopoly trading rights, in 1672.
This joint stock company was run primarily by merchants, and while continuing to pursue
the commodity trades in gold, ivory, dyewood, etc., concentrated primarily on the slave
trade. The company maintained trading posts in the Gambia and in Sierra Leone,
primarily for the commodity trades. But its main center was on the Gold Coast and the
Slave Coast" to the east where it established posts at Allada( 1674) and Whydah ( 1682).
The Royal African Company initially also maintained a factory at Benin to purchase cloth
for the Gold Coast market, that was abandoned by 1700. Royal African Company ships
traded as well in Old and New Calabar and Angola for slaves, but no trading stations
were maintained in these regions.
or Cabo Corso) trading post was established by the Guinea Company in
1650, seized by the Swedes in 1652, shortly thereafter taken over by the Dutch, and then
retaken by an English fleet in 1663- 64, at which point the English fortified the position.
The Cape Coast (
In the 1670s the successor Royal African Company made Cape Coast Castle its primary
headquarters.
Thus English trading posts on the West African coast were first set up in the 1630s, and
posts trading primarily in
slaves
date
to the
1670s.
�4
Sources: P. E. H. Hair and Robin Law, " The English in Western Africa
to 1700,"
The
Origins ofEmpire, vol. 1 of The Oxford History of the British Empire, Nicholas Canny,
ed., (
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998): 241- 263, a newly arrived book in the CWF
Library. Local correspondence from assorted Gold and Slave Coast trading posts has
been
the
published
in The English in West Africa, 1681- 1683:
Royal African
Oxford
University
Company of England,
Press, 1997),
The Local Correspondence of
1681- 1689, Part 1, Robin Law, ed. ( Oxford:
also in our library.
Question: How often did people sell food and other items in the market in Williamsburg?
Answer: Here I have to claim no information. I suspect that people could not legally sell
within the bounds of the official town market other than on established market days, since
the idea was that such marketing take place in a regulated fashion with the buying and
selling conducted
weights
and
during
measures—
set
hours
official
for regulation of prices, and
the oversight being supported by market taxes. Once an actual
under
oversight—
market house was constructed, individuals like butchers who paid rent for market stalls,
as well as town officials, would presumably have had in interest in preventing irregular
off day sales on the market house premises.
These regulations would not have prevented storekeepers, or individual retailers
including bakers or butchers like Benjamin Hanson who had other established places of
business, from selling as they pleased. Petty hucksters selling from carts or baskets on
the streets or going door to door could presumably also operate on a daily basis.
However tightly or loosely the town market was regulated, unless they were making
prearranged deliveries to regular customers, most people likely planned to sell primarily
on regular market days where they could take advantage of food buying customers
congregating in the area.
Question: Were the chickens alive when they were sold in the market?
Answer: I would assume this to be the normal practice in a pre- refrigeration age. Aside
from preserved pork, chickens and other birds were the" fast food" of the times. Anyone
could keep a chicken in a cage feeding it a little grain until it was time to cook it, thus
insuring freshness. And almost certainly virtually everyone knew how to kill, eviscerate,
and pluck a chicken ready for cooking in a short order. If there were not enough buyers,
the sellers could keep their stock in undiminished condition for sale another day, and the
buyers could be assured
that the
bird
was
healthy
and fresh.
�5
Question: Was wood the most common item sold in the public market?
Answer: To the extent that household account books reflect market purchasing patterns,
wood sales were comparatively infrequent. According to the account books, the most
frequently purchased item was poultry, closely followed by cuts of meat. Vegetables
came next followed by fruits and nuts and seafood. More established households bought
wood only weekly or bi- weekly in the winter and much less often in the summer.
Tavernkeepers, professionals, merchants, and better off artisans often made annual
contracts with a single dealer, assuring themselves of regular deliveries of wood at an
agreed upon price, sort of like the agreements one makes with an oil dealer today.
Smaller households
must have bought firewood in the market as needed from smaller
dealers. This however is a trade we know almost nothing about until after the
Revolution.
The following announcements from the Virginia Gazette and the Virginia Gazette or
American Advertiser provide information the practice of having slaves reserve seats at the
Second Theater in Williamsburg and slave funerals.
We are desired to inform the Publick, That as the Company of Comedians, lately from
London, have obtain' d His Honour the Governor' s Permission, and have, with great
Expence, entirely altered the Play- House at Williamsburg to a regular Theatre, fit for the
Reception of Ladies and Gentlemen, and the Execution of their own Performances, they
intend to open on the first Friday in September next, with a Play, call' d The Merchant of
written by Shakespear) and a Farce, call' d The Anatomist, or, Sham Doctor.
The Ladies are desired to give timely Notice to Mr. Hallam, and at Mr. Fisher' s, for their
Venice, (
Places in the Boxes, and on the Day of the Performance to send their Servants early to
keep them, in Order to prevent Trouble and Disappointment.
Source:
Virginia Gazette, 21 August 1752.
Twenty Pounds Reward.
WILL be paid for apprehending and delivering to me, my negro man named MOSES,
who ran away on the 29th day of October last. He is a likley [ sic] black country born,
sensible fellow; about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, well set, large legs, though well made,
about 28 years of age; he has a small scar on his forehead, nigh the edge of his hair, and I
am told a small piece of one of his ears is off; he is of a smiling countenance, and of a
proud carriage, is by trade a shoe- maker, and has some of his tools with him; he formerly
belonged to one Caleb Trueblood, under whose name I expect he will endeavour to pass
as a
free
man;
he has with him
a
black broad cloth
coat,
and
some
times
officiates
as a
�6
reader at negro funerals. I strictly forbid all persons from employing him either by land
or water, as I am determined to take every advantage the law shall give me of any person
that shall either employ or harbour him.
WILLIAM SKINNER.
NO. CAROLINA( Perquimans county) Jan. 10, 1786.
Source:
Virginia Gazette or American Advertiser, Hayes, ed., 22 February 1786 ( Lathan
A. Windley, comp., Runaway Slave Advertisements: A Documentary History from the
1730s to 1790, 4 vols., Westport, Connecticut:
Greenwood Press, 1983, I: 383).
Information About Slaves Owned by the Prentis Family
The following information about the slaves owned by the Prentis Family is taken from
the talk that Julie Richter gave on Day 1 of" Enslaving Virginia" training in January and
February 1999.
Judith was a young woman when her master, the merchant William Prentis, bequeathed
her and her children to his daughter Elizabeth after his death in August 1765. Judith and
her
Effy, Molly, and Jimmy were valued at£ 115 in the October 1765 inventory
of William Prentis' s estate. This slave family continued to live at the Prentis House on
children
Lot 51 on Duke of Gloucester Street as did Elizabeth Prentis who was thirteen years old
when her father died. Her mother, Mary Prentis, sent Molly to the Bray School for
enslaved and free black
children
in
Williamsburg
in November 1765.
Molly learned
about the Anglican faith, obedience to her master, proper behavior, enunciation, and
reading. Anne Wager, the teacher at the Bray School, also taught Molly and other girls
how to knit and sew.
Judith' s family grew in the 1760s: her children Pompey and Nancy Lewis were baptized
in February 1766 and November 1768, respectively. The short intervals between the
births of three children( Jimmy in 1763, Pompey in 1766, and Nancy Lewis in 1768)
suggest that Judith was able to form a long- term relationship with a man who lived in or
near Williamsburg. Elizabeth Prentis died on October 5, 1770 and her brother John
gained possession of Judith and her children Effy, Molly, Jimmy, Pompey, and Nancy
Lewis.
John Prentis kept Judith' s family together during his lifetime. However, his death in late
1775 brought a number of changes to Judith and her family. John Prentis left Effy,
Pompey, and Nancy Lewis to his younger brother, Joseph. He left the remainder of his
slaves to be equally divided among his brothers Daniel and Joseph and his cousin, Robert
Prentis. Judith was one of" several valuable SLAVES, chiefly House Servants, among
wich is a very good Cook" who were sold by Prentis' s executors at the January 3, 1776
�7
sale of his estate. Her young sons Tom and Lewis were sold with her. Molly was one of
the four dower slaves assigned to Prentis' s widow, also named Elizabeth. It is likely that
Molly served as Elizabeth Prentis' s maid. Judith' s daughter Effy had at least one
daughter Kate who received her baptism in November 1782. Effy and Pompey lived in
Williamsburg until the death of Joseph Prentis Senior in 1809. Effy, Pompey, and the
other eight slaves owned by Prentis at his death became the property of his son and
namesake, a lawyer who lived in Suffolk.
William Prentis gained possession of a slave named Nanny when the will of his father- inlaw, John Brooks, was probated in November 1729. Nanny and Prentis' s wife Mary
lives
Lot 51.
Nanny likely helped Mary
Prentis care for her eight children in addition to her other household duties. She was
called " Old Nanny" and valued at £ 5 in the October 1765 inventory of Prentis' s estate.
together
probably grew up
and lived
out their
on
The appraisers noted that there was a place on Prentis' s property known as " old
Nanny'
It is possible that Nanny had a structure that was recognized as her own
s."
because
she
had been
an
important part of
the
household for many years.
Unfortunately,
the appraisers only made note of the items at" old Nanny' s" that belonged to Prentis.
They did not list furniture, foodstuffs, or Nanny' s personal items.
Another Prentis slave used her position in the family to negotiate with her master. John
Prentis bequeathed
a
girl
named Rachel
to
his brother Joseph in his 1773 will.
She and
her daughter Lucy were among the slaves in the July 24, 1809 inventory of Joseph
Prentis' s estate. Rachel persuaded her new master, Joseph Prentis Junior, to allow her to
stay in Williamsburg instead of moving to his house in Suffolk. Prentis hired her to
well.
It is likely that
Rachel had known Benjamin White since her childhood and convinced him to hire her so
Benjamin
White,
a
free
man
of
color,
in 1826 and perhaps
earlier as
that she could stay in Williamsburg. White grew up as the slave of Mary Stith and lived
on Lot 17, a short distance from the Prentis House. Rachel stayed with White and his
son, alson named Benjamin White, when she was older and unable to work. Prentis paid
White for maintaining" Aunt Rachel" during 1836. In early February 1837 Prentis' s
friend and Williamsburg resident, Robert Saunders Junior, wrote to tell him that Rachel
had died. Prentis lamented
the
death of his" much beloved &
faithful nurse, Mammy
Rachel."
I Made This Jar':
The Life and Works of the Enslaved African- American Potter, Dave"
This traveling exhibition focuses on the work of a potter known as Dave. The exhibit
opened at the McKissick Museum at the University of South Carolina at Columbia in
April 1998. It was at The High Museum of Art in Atlanta from May 16- July 31, 1999.
Next,
the exhibit will
be at the Charles H. Wright
Museum
of African- American
History
�8
in Detroit from October 9, 1999- January 2, 2000. The final venue for this exhibit is the
Winterthur Museum, Garden, and Library in Winterthur, Delaware, from February 5- June
25, 2000. Jill Beute Koverman
Life and Works
wrote
the exhibit
catalogue—"
I Made This Jar":
Enslaved African- American Potter, Dave—
of
University of South Carolina Press in 1998.
the
The
published by the
A remarkable slave potter known only as Dave is the subject of a nationally travelling
exhibition and catalogue of the alkaline- glazed stoneware tradition rooted in the South
Carolina' s Edgefield District.
In the mid 1980s McKissick Museum of the University of South Carolina conducted a
major study of the social and economic history of this stoneware tradition. This study
documented more than 50 vessels of remarkable size made in the Edgefield District
during the 19th and 20th centuries. Twenty of these pots were inscribed with poetic
verse, ranging from the somber and moralistic to the wry and witty, and signed Dave.
The Exhibit
The significance of Dave' s work is just beginning to be acknowledged by scholars and
museum curators.
Major museums
such as the Smithsonian
Institution
and the
Philadelphia Museum of Art have recently acquired pieces made by the potter and poet of
Edgefield.
McKissick Museum, at the University of South Carolina, examines the significance of
Dave and his works for the American ceramic and literary traditions. Through these pots
and poems, this exhibit promises to complicate our understanding of the social relations
of slavery in the antebellum South. By celebrating the sophisticated ways one slave
successfully subverted the institution of slavery, by adding to the number of know 19th
century African American poets from the South, and by suggesting that not all
southerners were unequivocal supporters of slavery, the story of Dave will debunk racial
and ethnic stereotypes that continue to haunt the region and the nation.
Accompanying the 25 vessels made by Dave, pieces from several other potters from the
Edgefield District of that era will be displayed in the exhibit.
Photomurals,
maps, and
panels of explanatory text will accompany the objects and provide a broader cultural
context for Dave and his pottery. The exhibit catalogue will provide an in- depth account
as well as a catalogue raissone of his work.
Scheduled to open at McKissick Museum during April 1998 ( Poetry Month), numerous
public outreach events are already being organized for presentation during the nine
months the exhibit will be on view in South Carolina. The story of Dave will also be
presented to far wider audience through travelling venues across the United States.
�9
The Research
Jill Beute Koverman( McKissick Museum Curator of Education) has conducted extensive
archival investigation on the enslaved African potter known only as Dave. Her research
has identified 90 existing
vessels
produced by
Dave between 1820 and 1863.
The
findings have also placed Dave' s work at the ideological center of southern politics and
culture during this era in Edgefield, South Carolina.
The Edgefield District—
supporters
sentiment.
of radical
home of Francis Pickens and John Hammond who were strong
nullifier
John C. Calhoun— was a virtual hotbed of secessionist
The local newspaper,
The Edgefield Hive, served as a venue to expound the
liberal views and pro- union stance of its owner, Dr. Abner Landrum. Dave worked with
Dr. Landrum, and perhaps because of his liberal views, may have been the individual that
taught Dave to read and write.
The most substantive clue to Dave' s identity is revealed in an editorial of the April 1863
issue of the Edgefield Advertiser. It reads:
One day in years gone by I happened to meet DAVE POTTERY( whom many
readers will remember as the grandiloquent old darkey once connected with a
paper known as the Edgefield Hive in the outskirts of his beloved hamlet.
Observing an intelligent twinkle in his eye, we accosted him in one of his own set
speeches: "
Well, Uncle Dave, how does your corporosity
sagitate?"—"
First rate,
young master, from top to toe. I just had a magnanimous bowl-ful of dat delicious
old beverage, buttermilk."
Who has not often felt his buttermilk
as Dave did.
From this passage it would appear that Dave was a slave well known in the larger
community for his way with words. Dr. Landrum operated both the Edgefield Hive ( from
1829 to 1831), and a stoneware factory named Pottersville ( from 1817 to 1828).
Contemporary scholars Dr. John Burrison and Dr. John Michael Vlach have speculated
that Dave likely acquired his command of the English Language working for Landrum
first as a potter, and then as a typesetter.
The institution of slavery did much to negate the lives and contributions of those
enslaved.
Theories about Dave' s origins can be drawn from information found in sources
such as census records, Slave Schedules, local newspapers, deeds, probate records and
Manufacturing Census' s. Two local churches in Edgefield, members of the African
American community, have been asked to search their local histories as well for any
information about Dave.
Sources:
Homepage for the McKissick Museum of Art, University of South Carolina at
Columbia( http: www. cla. sc. edu/ MCKS/ html/ exhib. htm) and the Dave Website
http: www. cla. sc. edu/ MCKS/ dave/ index. htm).
�10
Information About" A Slave Ship Speaks: The Wreck of the Henrietta Marie"
This exhibit was organized by the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society. The artifacts
from the Henrietta Marie and the interactive exhibit are currently making a three- year,
twenty-city, national tour. The last stop is in Milwaukee at America' s Black Holocaust
Museum from May 15 to August 22, 1999.
In the summer of 1700, the English merchant-slaver Henrietta Marie sank in unknown
circumstances thirty-five miles west of Key West, Florida. Shortly before this mishap,
she had sold a shipment of 190 captive Africans in Jamaica.
The shipwreck was first found by Mel Fisher' s divers in 1972 but only partially
excavated. Their brief work revealed that it was later than the Spanish galleon Nuestra
Senora de Atocha, which they were searching for, as well as being English. Known as
the" English Wreck" for the next ten years, it was not until July of 1983 that divers
returned to the site. Archaeologist David Moore went out to study the wreck with Henry
Taylor, a salvor who had made an arrangement with Mel to work at the site. They knew
that what lay below was not a treasure vessel, but suspected it would be able to make an
important contribution to history.
The ship was much more important than they hoped. On most ships of the period, one or
two sets of iron shackles were carried to punish sailors who might misbehave; the large
number
found
this site was
on
unusual.
Then
came
an enormous
breakthrough— a diver
discovered the ship' s bell. The cast bronze bell was heavily encrusted with concreted
sand, sediment and coral. When the crew gently chipped this covering away, something
remarkable
was revealed—
the means to identify the long- lost ship beyond a shadow of a
doubt. " THE HENRIETTA MARIE 1699" was etched in block letters on the bell.
The
identification brought a startling immediacy to the excavation. Once records of Jamaican
shipping returns confirmed the vessel' s status as a slaver, the wreck' s significance was
apparent—
the Henrietta Marie was the earliest slave shipwreck identified by name.
The identification allowed researchers to use historical records to begin reconstructing a
little- known passage in American history. Early in the research process, records were
uncovered showing that the Henrietta Marie had been a London- based vessel, registered
as 120 tons burden. Sturdy and fast, she traveled the infamous triangular trade route
favored
by
the slavers—
from England to the Guinea coast, to the Americas, then home
again.
Accounts relating to the Henrietta Marie' s voyages were uncovered, as were the names
of her investors,
captains, and wills of some of her crew members.
Artifacts found at the
site proved particularly helpful in creating a picture of shipboard life and the practices of
the slave
trade.
Several years
ago,
Mel Fisher donated
the artifacts
from
the
wreck
to the not-
for- profit
�it
Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society. Under the Society, research has continued both
with the collection of recovered items, and in the field.
Today, the Henrietta Marie is believed to be the world' s largest source of tangible objects
from the early years of the slave trade. As such it has proved to be a" gold mine" of
information about a pivotal period in African, European and American history. Artifacts
from any aspect of the maritime slave trade are extremely rare. Among the objects found
at the site of the Henrietta Marie are over eighty sets of shackles, two cast- iron cannon,
Venetian glass
beads, stock iron
trade
trade
bars,
ivory "
elephant'
s
teeth," and a large
collection of English made pewter tankards, basins, spoons and bottles. The partial
remains of the ship' s hull have allowed for a reconstruction of the vessel. An equally
valuable " treasure"
is less tangible: the wealth of information
researchers
have been able
to uncover about the complex maritime slave trade and the roots of racial inequality that
still exist today.
In May of 1993, the National Association of Black SCUBA Divers placed a memorial
plaque on the site of the Henrietta Marie. The simple bronze marker, which faces the
African shore thousands of miles away, bears the name of the slave ship and reads,
In memory and recognition of the
courage, pain and suffering of enslaved
African people.
Speak her name and gently touch the
souls of our ancestors."
Two years later, in May of 1995, the Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society unveiled" A
Slave
Ship
Speaks: The Wreck of
the Henrietta
Marie."
The first major museum
exhibition in this country devoted to the transatlantic slave trade, it was prepared and
mounted with the assistance of the nation' s leading scholars of African- American history.
The critically acclaimed exhibition uses the vessel as a focal point to examine the slave
trade, the conditions that spawned it, and its still-evident effect on society. It is currently
on a tour of museums across the United States, sponsored by the General Motors
corporation.
Dr. Colin Palmer, author of Human Cargoes and a professor of history at the University
of North Carolina, is just one of the scholars whose work contributed to the creation of
the Henrietta Marie exhibition. He believes that an understanding of the slave trade—
such as the exhibit might inspire— is vital if race relations are to progress beyond their
current uneasy
the
that
state. "
The story ends in 1700 for this particular ship, but the story of what
ship represented continues today," he
she is an essential
part of recovering
says. "
the
The importance of the Henrietta Marie is
black
experience—
symbolically,
metaphorically and in reality."
Source:
www. melfisher.
org.
See
also
A Slave
Ship
Speaks:
The Wreck
of the
Henrietta
�12
Marie, (
Key West, Florida: The Mel Fisher Maritime Heritage Society, 1995).
List of Recently Published Books on Race and African-American History and Culture.
Diouf, Sylviane A. Servants ofAllah: African Muslims Enslaved in the Americas. New
York: New York University Press, 1998.
Finkelman, Paul, ed. Slavery and the Law. Madison:
Madison House, 1997.
Gordon- Reed, Annette. Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings: An American
Controversy, revised edition. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999.
Rhodes, Jane. Mary Ann Shadd Cary: The Black Press and Protest in the Nineteenth
Century. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998.
Robinson, Eugene. Coal to Cream: A Black Man' s Journey Beyond Color to an
Affirmation of Race. New York: Free Press, 1999.
The Insistence
of the Indian: Race and Nationalism in NineteenthCentury American Culture. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998.
Scheckel, Susan.
Wahl,
Jenny
Bourne.
The Bondsman' s Burden: An Economic Analysis of the Common
Law ofSouthern Slavery. Cambridge Historical Studies in American Law and
Society. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
Zafar, Rafia.
We Wear the Mask: African- Americans Write American Literature, 1760-
1870. New York: Columbia
University
Press, 1997.
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. August 5, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-08-05
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Title
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The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. July 22, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-07-22
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fdb7fe2b9373d958fdadb914563c1a17
PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
June 24, 1999
The seventh issue of" The Network" contains the deeds of emancipation from George
Wythe to two his enslaved men, Ben and James, in 1797.
This issue also has transcriptions of four nineteenth- century documents. The first is a
September 1833 letter from Thomas O. Cogbill, the Clerk of James City County Court, to
James E. Heath, Esquire, the Auditor of Public Accounts. Cogbill informed Heath that
none of the free people of color in James City County wanted to be transported to Africa.
The lists of Williamsburg' s free blacks and mulattos that James Lee recorded in 1833 and
1834 follow Cogbill' s letter. Lee' s records provide details about family relationships and
the occupations of free people of color in Williamsburg. A comparison of Lee' s 1834 list
with the 1834 Williamsburg Personal Property Tax List (the four nineteenth- century
document in
this
issue of" The Network")
indicates that the majority of the women who
headed the city' s free black households did not appear on the personal property tax list
because they did not have a slave twelve years of age or older, a horse, or a riding vehicle
in Williamsburg.
George Wythe emancipated two slave men, Ben and James, in January 1797. Both of the
emancipations were recorded in Henrico County in February of the same year. Ben was
Wythe' s coachman in the 1760s and 1770s when he received tips from Thomas Jefferson.
James, also known as Jimmy, was the son of Rachel. Wythe taught Jimmy to write in
1791. See the section on" The Wythe House," pp. 420- 429 in the Enslaving Virginia
Resource Book for additional information about Ben and James ( Jimmy).
Know all men by these presents, signed and sealed this twenty fifth day of January in the
year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and ninety seven, that I George Wythe of
the City of Richmond do set free my man Slave named Ben who is more than forty five
years old.
G:
Wythe
Witnesses
Wilson Allan
Peter P Blagrove
Reynolds Chapman
At a court held for Henrico County, at the Courthouse, the sixth of February 1797. This
Deed of Emancipation was proved by the Oaths of Peter P Blagrove and Reynolds
Chapman witnesses thereto and ordered to be Recorded
Examined
�2
Teste
Adam Craig C C
Source:
Henrico County Deeds ( 5) 201, dated 25 January 1797 and recorded 6 February
1797.
Know all men by these presents, signed and sealed this twenty fifth day of January in the
year of our Lord, One thousand seven hundred and ninety seven, that I George Wythe of
the City of Richmond do set free my man Slave named James who is more than twenty
one but not forty five years old.
G: Wythe
Witnesses
Wilson Allan
Peter P Blagrove
Reynolds Chapman
At a court held for Henrico county, at the Courthouse, the sixth of February 1797. This
Deed of Emancipation was proved by the Oaths of Peter P Blagrove and Reynolds
Chapman witnesses thereto and ordered to be Recorded
Examined
Teste
Adam Craig C C
Source:
Henrico County Deeds ( 5) 202, dated 25 January 1797 and recorded 6 February
1797.
September 18, 1833—
Letter from Thomas O. Cogbill, clerk of James City County Court,
to James E. Heath, Esquire Auditor of Public Accounts
After Nat Turner' s 1831 rebellion, several Virginia legislators, including Thomas J.
Randolph, Thomas Jefferson' s grandson, proposed plans for the emancipation of the
state' s slaves. The emancipationist legislators were able to force agreement from many
of their opponents that slavery was a dangerous institution that ideally should be
eliminated. Yet they shared with the defenders of slavery the conviction that Africans
could not coexist with Europeans in a state of equality, without society collapsing into
crime, anarchy, and race war. Overwhelmingly, therefore, Virginia' s emancipationists
returned to the plan of colonization, arguing that freed slaves should be returned to Africa
at state expense. In March 1833, the General Assembly passed a bill that appropriated
funds to transport free people of color to Africa. Six months later, in September 1833,
Thomas O. Cogbill informed the Auditor of Public Accounts that no free black man,
or child from James City County wanted to leave the county.
woman,
�3
t
Williamsburg Septemr. 18th 1833
Sir:
Agreeably to a request made some time since, the County Court of James City
made an order appointing several gentlemen to enquire among the free persons of colour
in said County, and, to ascertain if any of them were willing to accept of the provisions of
the act of assembly passed on the 4th: of March 1833 making appropriations for the
removal of free persons of
color&
Those Gentlemen
c....
have made no report to the
Court, but from what I have been able to learn from a majority of them, there is not one
free person of colour in the County of James City that is willing to accept of the
provisions of the said act of Assembly. I should have attended to this matter sooner, but
have been prevented by the negligence of those persons appointed by the Court to make
the necessary enquiries among the free persons of colour.
Your obedient
servant
Th: O. Cogbill Clerk
of James City County Court
Source: Auditor of Public Accounts, Miscellaneous Microfilm 1320- 1322, Library of
Virginia.
1833—"
A list of free negroes and mulattoes, within the city of Williamsburg"
This list contains the names of seventy- nine free blacks and mulattoes who lived in
Williamsburg in 1833.
A list of free negroes and mulattoes, within the city of Williamsburg, their names, sexes,
places of abode, and their particular trades, occupations or callings, taken by James Lee
commissioner of the revenue, in said City, for the year 1833.
Henry
Cook, farmer,
children,
Richard, James, Caroline &
Robert,
Lucy
2
Robert Jordan, m, carpenter, Beverley Rowsey, m, sh oemaker
Ann Rolison,
m, midwife,
child Rocktilda&
grand
children
6
Berryann and
5
Robert G. Jacquelin Lightfoot, m, plasterer
Hannah Banks,
Nancy
washer,
child
Jasper, old and infirm.
Henry.
3
George Mason, painter
Judy Reigensburg,
washer,
children
Sally
5
and William. William Yates, m, Barber
George Webb, old and infirm.
William
Bassett,
m,
shoemaker
2
�4
t
John Minor, farmer,
wife
Mary.
Renderson N. Scott,
John
Cassady, m, shoemaker, wife Jane, children
Anderson and Augustine. Tener, day labourer
William Debress,
Patsey
Fordice,
Peggy
Smith,
Zizi, baker of
Page,
cakes &
m,
Page,
Nancy,
Christiana,
m, washer,
m, seamstress,
Benjamin
White,
Lucy,
Patsey
m,
washer.
White,
m,
child,
William, John, James,
8
Henry &
children,
Adelade
labour with Mrs. Carr
at
3
2
washer
child Richard
Nelly,
child
Sally,
Mary. Suckey
m,
3
Judy. Mary
Isabella
Rolison,
children,
Peter and Martha
Alexander,
shoemaker.
washer,
Nanton,
3
m
John,
Sally Murray,
resides
3
Lightfoot,
3
m, washer
3
m, seamstress
Elizabeth, at Mrs. Murdaughs
Caroline &
children,
3
child Simeon
Charlotte.
4
2
and Sarah
Margaretta
children,
Ashy,
3
William and Sarah
m, washer,
seamstress,
m,
wife
children
wife,
Sophia,
Preston
Bates,
Sally
oysterman,
m, washer,
wife
children
m, seamstress,
Philea Magnorton,
Free
c.
Barrett, Ditcher,
Jeffery
Sally,
Patsey
m, seamstress,
m, washer,
Nelly Bolling,
Sally
shoemaker,
washer.
Daniel Roberts,
Judy
m,
m, shoemaker
3
Ann
Mary,
3
Elizabeth, & Jas
m, washer
at the Lodge
Henry
5
2
2
1
seamstress
Jas. Lee C C C W
79
Note. In the above list, the mulattoes are distinguished from the free negroes, by
the former having m subjoined to their names.
Source: Auditor of Public Accounts, Miscellaneous Microfilm 1320- 1322, Library of
Virginia.
�5
G
A list of free negroes and mulattoes, within the city of Williamsburg"
1834-"
This list contains the names of eighty free blacks and mulattos who lived in Williamsburg
in 1834. The brackets indicate parts of words that are torn on the original document.
A list of free negroes and mulattoes, within the city of Williamsburg, their names, sexes,
places of abode, and their particular trades, occupations or callings; taken by James Lee
commission[
o] f the revenue, in the said city, for the year 1834
er] [
William Debress,
wife,
shoemaker,
Sophia,
5
Adelaid &
Henry,
children
Catharine
Jeffery
Barrett, Ditcher,
Magnorton,
Aphilea
Henry,
with Mrs.
Hannah Banks,
Benjamin
Ann Rolison,
wife
washer,
Sally,
son
3
Clara
3
Simeon
2
Jacquelin Lightfoot,
Henry,
children,
Maria and
John Staves,
shoemaker.
Rocktilda Rolison,
midwife.
wife
carpenter,
child Charlotte
Reigensburg.
washer,
White,
Jordan,
Robert
Barber.
Yates,
William
2
plasterer.
4
Nelly
carpenter,
children
washer,
3
child William
Berry
Ann&
4
Ro. G.
Mary
Rolison,
Mary
Gayles,
Judy
seamstress.
washer,
William and
children,
Charles, Anna, William
children,
washer,
Carter,
Henry &
Sally
Thomas
4
5
Edward
Sa] lly
Murray,
Sa]
Page,
lly
washer,
washer,
child
child
Mary. Sucky
Lucy.
washer,
B] everley
shoemaker.
Rowsey,
Pa] tsy White,
washer.
William Bassett,
child William.
Isa] bella Lightfoot,
Nanton
Patsy
Nelly Bolling,
Thomas Lyons,
washer
3
shoemaker
3
Preston,
seamstress,
oysterman, wife
with Mrs. Carr
child
Polly
3
Mary
children
3
Polly
5
Kitty
Dandridge
Macon,
oysterman.
John Minor, farmer,
wife
Polly
3
�6
John
Cassady,
shoemaker,
wife
Jane,
William, John, James, Andrew,
children,
8
Augustine and Joseph
Smith,
Peggy
seamstress,
Renderson Scott,
children,
shoemaker.
Sarah and Margaretta
James Wallace,
3
2
shoemaker
George Webb, old and infirm. George Mason, painter
2
Zizi,
3
maker.
cake
B[ rid]
Ashy,
at service
get,
Christiana,
washer.
Free
Lucy,
with Mr. G. Jackson,
seamstress,
children,
washer
children,
James, Peter, & Sarah Ann
Martha Ann and Robert
4
3
Total
80
Jas. Lee C. R. C. W.
Source:
Auditor of Public Accounts, Miscellaneous Microfilm 1320- 1322, Library of
Virginia.
1834—
Williamsburg Personal Property Tax List
This list of 167 households includes just one household headed by a free black woman
named Zizi and
nineteen
free persons of
color.
�1834
Williamsburg Personal Property Tax List
4
Name
Black
White
Free
Males
Males
Over
16
Over
Slaves
Over
16
Slaves
Between 12
and
16
16
Horses,
Riding
Mules, Mares
Carriages
Colts
0
0
2
0
0
0
Anderson Leroy
1
0
1
1
0
0
Anderson Robert
1
0
7
1
3
2
Andrews John
1
0
1
0
0
0
Angel Thomas
1
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0,
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
4
0
1
0
3
3
1
0
L
Allen Elizabeth
Armstead Robert
H
Alexander
Bailey
Ball Farley
H
John
Barlow
Barrett
Jeffery
Bassett
Richard
1
Bassett
William
0
George
Bingley
2
W
1
Benjamin
Bishop
0
1
0
0
1
0
1
2
0
4
0
0
0
Edward
1
0
0
0
0
0
Bowden Mildred
1
0
4
0
1
0
Moreau
1
0
0
0
0
0
T
1
0
1
1
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
4
0
1
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
S
Bolt Elizabeth
Booker Richard T
Boulton
Bowers
Bowry
Bowry
James
Thomas
Bright Samuel F
1
Brooks Archer
Brooks
1
Richardson
1
Brooks William
0
1
0
3
0
0
1
0
1
0
1
1
Bucktrout Richard M
2
0
3
0
1
0
Byrd Addison L
1
0
6
0
1
0
Byrd Sally W
0
0
4
0
1
0
1
0
4
1
2
0
B
0
0
2
0
0
0
Lucious
1
0
0
0
0
0
Cassady John
0
1
0
0
0
0
Cheminant
Frances
0
0
5
0
0
0
G
3
0
7
0
2
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
5
1
2
1
4
2
Browne Dabney
Bucktrout
Benjamin
James
Cabaniss
Cary
Cary
Jane
Albert
Chewning
Christian
John A
Cogbill Thomas 0
1
Coke Richard Jur
Cole Jesse
Cole Matthew
E
W
Cole Roscow
0
1
0
10
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
8
0
2
2
1
0
6
2
3
0
Craig Nancy
0
0
1
0
0
0
Davis James
1
0
2
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
Delk William H
1
0
2
1
0
0
Deneufville
1
0
1
1
1
0
Coleman
Debress
Thomas
William
John
A
�1834
Personal
Williamsburg
Name
White
Free Black
Males
Males Over
Over
Deneufville John A Jur
Deneufville
Robert J
Dew Thomas R
Dodd William
E
Eleanor
Donnelly
Durfey &
Edloe
16
Property
Slaves
Over
16
16
Tax List
i
Horses,
Slaves
Between
and
16
12
Mules, Mares
Riding
Carriages
Colts _
2
0
1
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
_
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
2
1
0
8
3
4
1
Edloe
Henry
1
Edloe
William
1
0
7
3
12
3
Mary
Fitzhugh
est
Foster Frances
Galt Alexander
D
Galt Dickie
0
0
2
0
0
0
2
0
1
1
0
0
1
0
8
1
3
1
0
2
0
u
1
_
0
0
0
1
0
0
Garrett
Richard R
1
0
0
0
0
Garrett
Robert M
1
0
3
1
4
2
Graves
Joseph
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
3
0
4
1
2
1
0
3
0
1
Hansford Charles
1
0
1
0
0
Hatton Washington
1
0
0
0
0
Henley Harriet T
1
0
7
1
1
1
0
0
0
0
Hubbard Augustine C
1
0
1
0
1
0
Hubbard Richardson
1
0
4
1
1
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
1
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
Galt
Mary
A
A
Gregory John M
Griffin Samuel S
James
Guthrie
Hermonson
Matthew T
0
_
0
0
_
3
_
1
_
_
0
_
0
_
1
0
J
Hubbard
Walker
Hutchings John W
Jackson
George
Jackson
William
W
0
_
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
Johnson William D
1
0
0
1
0
0
Jones
0
0
3
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
Lee Higginson W
2
0
1
0
0
Lee James
2
0
3
1
0
0
Lee William H
2
0
1
1
0
0
0
Jenkins
Elias
Scervant
Robert
Jordan
Lark Robert
Lawson
James
S
0
_
0
0
_
0
Lightfoot
Jacquelin
0
1
1
0
0
Lindsey
Edward B
1
0
0
0
0
Lindsey
Thomas
1
0
0
1
0
Charles
1
0
1
0
1
Lucas Thomas C est
0
0
1
0
0
Lyons Thomas
0
1
0
0
0
_
0
0
1
0
0
0
_
0
1
0
1
1
0
_
0
Martin John D
2
0
0
1
1
Mason David
4
0
4
2
3
Lively
Macon
Dandridge
Mahone James
M
0
_
0
0
0
_
0
0
_
�1834
Williamsburg Personal Property Tax List
i
Name
Mason
George
Maupin John
M
W
McCandlish George
Riding
Carriages
Males
Males Over
Over 16
16
0
1
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
3
1
1
0
10
0
3
0
1
1
Robert
McCandlish
Horses,
Mules, Mares
Free Black
1
Mccalester Alexander
Slaves
White
0
0
Slaves
Over 16
Between
and
16
12
Colts
McGill Martha
0
0
5
2
0.
0
Miller Ann
0
0
2
0
0
0
Minor
0
1
0
0
1
0
M
1
0
2
1
0
0
Moore Summersett
1
0
0
0
0
0
Moore Susan
0
0
0
1
0
0
Morrison
0
0
3
0
2
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
1
1
John
William
Moody
est
George
George F
Morrison
Mounfortt
Sally
Murdaugh
0
B
Lucy
1
Page John
Delilah
Palmer
Pamplin William
Peachy Mary M
Peachy Thomas
G
Madison
Pettis
Pierce Edward J
0
0
3
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
15
1
3
1
1
0
5
1
1
1
1
0
2
0
2
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
Provoo Clara
0
0
2
1
0
0
Provoo Diana
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
10
0
2
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
2
0
1
0
2
Henry
Pierce
W
Mary
Reiginsburg
0
Repiton Eliza
Richardson Robert
G
2
0
Roper Nancy
0
Rowsey Beverley
0
0
0
1
Sands
Johnson
3
0
Sands
Thomas
3
1
0
1
0
0
Saunders
Robert
1
0
5
0
2
1
Saunders
Robert Jr
1
0
2
0
1
0
0
0
2
0
0
0
N
0
1
0
0
0
0
Snr
1
0
6
3
4
2
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
6
0
1
1
4
1
1
1
0
0
Margaret
Scellen
Scott
Renderson
Semple
James
Robert
Shelbum
Sheldon &
Smith
1
Jacob C
Sheldon
Shield
Maupin
0
Mary
Peggy
Southall Albert
Spencer
Staves
Stewart
Stores
W
George
Southall
Hannah M
Ferdinand S
William
0
0
1
0
1
0
6
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
John
H
0
0
0
2
0
2
0
0
0
1
0
0
2
0
2
0
1
�1834
Personal
Williamsburg
Name
Black
White
Free
Males
Males Over
Over
16
Property
Slaves
Over 16
16
t
Tax List
Slaves
Between
and
16
Horses,
12
Mules, Mares
Colts
0
0
1
0
0
Tabb Robert
3
0
2
1
2
Taylor
1
0
7
2
4
E
Sweeney Mary
Henley
Taylor Robert
Riding
Carriages
0
_
_
1
0
1
0
1
0
0
2
0
2
1
1
1
0
0
6
0
2
2
1
0
0
0
0
_
0
1
0
0
0
0
_
0
1
0
4
0
0
Wallace James
0
1
0
0
0
Waller Benjamin
1
0
3
1
2
1
Waller Littleton T
1
0
4
1
1
0
Waller Robert P
1
0
8
0
7
Waller William
1
0
7
1
3
Ware
1
0
0
1
1
R
——
0
J
Travis John
D
Tucker
Lelia
Turner
Lawrance
Vaiden Robert
Vest
William
J
W
Leigh
0
_
0
2
_
_
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
—
0
Wicker William
1
0
1
0
0
—
0
Williamson John G
1
0
0
0
0
_
0
Wilmer William P
1
0
0
0
0
Wilson
0
0
1
0
0
_
0
0
1
1
1
2
—
0
0
2
0
56
127
44
Yates
George
Elizabeth
William
Zizi ( a free woman of
0
0
138
19
—
0
0
White Benjamin
Webb
0
colour)
TOTAL
350
_
_
�
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The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
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Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
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Title
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The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. June 24, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-06-24
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Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
June 3, 1999
The sixth issue of" The Network" contains answers to questions about material in the
Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, questions raised during the Enslaving Virginia
Training in January and February, and requests for additional information. Future issues
of" The Network" will also feature answers to questions about the Enslaving Virginia
Resource Book and matters raised during training classes.
May
18, 1736
Governor Gooch Responds to the Lords Commissioners ( Enslaving
Virginia Resource Book, pp. 121- 122)
Governor Gooch addressed his response to Alured Popple, secretary for the Board of
Trade and Plantations.
The Board of Trade and Plantations
consisted of seven members.
They advised the Secretary of State ( who was a member of the Privy Council) about
colonial matters.
The Randolph House ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 396- 405)
Peyton Randolph bequeathed his personal slave, Johnny, to Edmund Randolph in his will
Enslaving Virginia Resource Book pp. 621- 622).
John Randolph did not take any of his slaves to England when he left Virginia in 1775.
On August 25, 1775 Randolph conveyed his estate, real and personal, to three trustees—
Randolph, John Blair, and James Cocke— who were authorized to sell the
Peyton
property in order to pay his debts. This document included the names of thirteen slaves:
Betty, Betsy ( the daughter of Betty), Esther, Miles ( the son of Esther), Amy,
Kitty, Sally, Lucinda( the daughter of Sally), Molly, Scilla, Johnny, and Troy.'
Dinah,
Randolph left for England on September 8, 1775. 2 On October 14, 1775, the trustees
informed readers of the Virginia Gazette about the sale of John Randolph' s estate during
The clerk of James City County recorded Randolph' s deed of trust to Peyton Randolph, John Blair, and
James Cocke on August 11, 1777. Southall Family Papers, 1807- 1904, Manuscripts and Rare Books
Department, Swem Library, College of William and Mary. See also Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 25
August
2
1775.
Virginia
Gazette,
Purdie,
ed., 8 September
1775.
�2
the next meeting of the merchants. The estate included " his late DWELLING- HOUSE
within the said City, and of the LAND adjoining; of several very valuable Family
Servants,
and
a
variety of Furniture."
On November 8, 1775, John Blair and James
Cocke, the surviving trustees, announced a change in the date of the sale when they noted
that " The attorney general' s slaves and household furniture, which were advertised for
sale at the next
meeting of the merchants, will be sold the 25th day of this month." The
date for the sale changed one more time; on November 28, 1775 Blair and Cocke noted
that Randolph' s estate would be sold on December 11 th of that year.'
In July 1777 Blair and Cocke informed readers of the Virginia Gazette that they were
anxious to settle the Attorney General' s affairs. They requested " all persons indebted for
goods bought at the sale to make immediate payment, the bonds having been due some
time; and such of the creditors as have not already done so are requested to give in their
claims, without loss of time."'
The Mary Stith House ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 409- 410)
Mary Stith died between December 15, 1813, when she wrote her will, and March 25,
1815, when her executor, Robert Anderson, presented her last testament in court. The
full text of her will follows.
In the name of God, Amen, I Mary Stith of the City of Williamsburg being weak
in body but in perfect sense and memory, do make and ordain this writing as and for my
last Will and Testament, hereby revoking all wills by me heretofore made. There being a
sufficiency of my estate for payment of all just debts due from me, it is my desire that
there be no appraisement of my property. It is my will and desire that all my just debts be
paid. My estate which consists of my houses and lot in Williamsburg, and of two debts
which are due to me, the one from Richard Randolph and the other from Robert
Greenhow, I dispose of in manner and form following, to wit: All the coloured people in
my family being born my slaves, but now liberated, I think it my duty not to leave them
destitute nor to leave them unrecompensed for past services rendered to me. As in the
cause of humanity I can do but little for so many, and that little my conscience requires
me to do, therefore I subject the whole of my estate to the payment of my just debts, and
to the provision which I herein make for them. I give and bequeath my dwelling house
and lot to Jenny the mother of the family, together with all the furniture as it now stands
in the room below stairs, and one third part of all the other goods and chattles and
wearing apparel as they stand in my dwelling house at my decease, the whole there of to
her and to her heirs and assigns forever. Moreover I give and bequeath to the said Jenny,
Virginia Gazette, Dixon, ed., 14 October
1775;
Gazette, Pinkney, ed., 30 November 1775.
4Virginia Gazette,
Purdie, ed.,
18
July
1777.
Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 10 November
1775;
Virginia
�3
out of the interest accruing upon the debts due to me, the sum of twenty pounds per year,
until my executor shall pay to her the sum of one hundred pounds. I recommend to the
said Jenny to take her two grand daughters Jenny Gillet and Patty Gillett under her
protection in consideration of which I bequeath to her five pounds more per year for each
of them during her lifetime. I give and bequeath to the said Jenny Gillett and Patty Gillett
jointly, my house in the yard called the tin shop, together with the other two-thirds of my
wearing apparel before mentioned to be divided between them as they shall agree with
themselves, to them and their heirs and assigns forever. To the said Patty Gillett I give
and bequeath my bed and bedding, together with my chairs, press and dressing table. I
give to the said Jenny Gillett twenty five pounds, and to the said Patty twenty five pounds
to be paid them by my executor when he can conveniently do so. I give to Peter Gillett
the sum of ten pounds to help him in his trade. I give and bequeath to Nelly Bolling and
her two sisters Eve and Sally, my house on the main street called Woods shop, with the
use of the yard to be held by them in fee simple and by their heirs and assigns forever. I
give to the said
Nelly Bolling Fifty
pounds—
to the said Eve and Sally twenty five pounds
each, and I give to the three the sum of five pounds per year until they shall receive from
my executor the aforesaid sum, which he will pay them when it is convenient for him so
to do. I give to Benjamin White Thirty pounds, and to Beverley Rowsay Forty pounds. I
give to Rachel White Twenty pounds, and to her sister Fanny White Twenty pounds. I
give and bequeath Mary Randolph wife to David Meade Randolph my diamond locket
that she now has in possession. I give and bequeath to Mrs. Tucker wife to St. George
Tucker, my watch. I give to my good friend Robert Greenhow a ring of the value of six
pounds. I give to my friend Miss Sally Anderson a gold watch of one hundred dollars
value. I give to my Rt. Reverend friend John Bracken the sum of twenty pounds. It
being necessary that some person should be empowered to perform the act of my burial,
which I desire may be done agreeably to the common custom. I do hereby authorize such
person or persons to call on my executor to discharge all debts contracted on that account.
As I have outlived all those persons whose duty it would have been to perform this
indispensible act, I hereby authorize and appoint my kind friends Sally Anderson and
Rachel Anderson
to perform
that act:
and for that purpose I give and bequeath to them
the sum of one hundred pounds to be equally divided between the two. It is my desire to
be buried in the Southeast corner of my garden, and in a mahogany coffin without any
ornaments thereon. I give to William White the sum of Ten pounds. I give to my friend
and neighbour Mr. Robert Anderson the sum of one hundred pounds, and I do moreover
appoint my said friend Robert Anderson to be my sole executor. All the residue of my
estate undisposed of I hereby give and bequeath to my relation Jenny Westwood daughter
of William Westwood deceased, late of the town of Hampton, to be enjoyed by her and
her heirs and assigns forever. In Witness whereof I the said Mary Stith have hereto set
my hand and affixed my seal this 15th day of december 1813. Signed and sealed and by
the said Mary Stith acknowledged to be her act and deed before us
George Jackson, W. Browne
Source:
Robert Anderson
Papers,
Colonial
Williamsburg
Foundation.
�4
The Wigmaker( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 417- 418)
There is no direct evidence that Richard and Edward Charlton were brothers. However, it
is likely that these two men were relatives. Richard Charlton and his wife named two of
their children after Edward and Jane Charlton( there is no evidence that Edward and Jane
Charlton had
children).
Second, Edward and Jane Charlton conveyed Lot 22 to William
Trebell in trust for the heirs of Richard Charlton in October 1779. 5 Richard Charlton died
on September 27, 1779.
1799—
Death of George Washington ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 511- 512)
George Washington wrote his will on July 9, 1799. Washington' s will was probated on
January 20, 1800 in the Fairfax County Court.'
It is possible that Martha Washington did think that the slaves who lived at Mount
Vernon would poison her after the death of George Washington. Mechal Sobel writes
that" George Washington' s last will and testament also promised his slaves freedom after
his wife' s death. This was certainly an aggressive act toward his wife. Indeed, she found
that she could not live with the fear of their taking her life and decided to free them
within
one
year of his death."
Sobel notes that Abigail Adams visited Martha
Washington in December 1800, a year after her husband' s death. On December 21, 1800
Adams wrote a letter to her sister.
Adams reported that Washington' s estate
is now going into decay. Mrs. Washington with all her fortune finds it difficult to
support her family, which consists of three hundred slaves. One hundred and fifty
of them are now to be liberated, men with wives and young children who have
never seen an acre beyond the farm are now about to quit it and go adrift into the
world without horse, home, or friend.
Mrs. Washington is distressed for them.
At
her own expense she has cloaked them all, and very many of them are already
miserable at the thought of their lot. The aged she retains at their request; but she
is distressed for the fate of others. She feels a parent and a wife. Many of these
who are liberated have married with what are called the dower Negroes, so that
they quit all
their connections—
yet what could she do in the state in which they
at her death? She did not feel as though her
by
life was safe in their hands, many of whom would be told that it was their interest
to get rid of her. She therefore was advised to set them all free at the close of the
were
left
the
General,
to
be free
year.
York County Deeds( 6) 207- 208, dated 13 March 1784 and recorded 17 May 1784.
6 John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Last Will and Testament of George Washington and Schedule of his
Property, to which is appended the Last Will and Testament of Martha Washington, 5th ed., [ Mount
Vernon,
Va.]:
The Mount Vernon Ladies'
Association
of the Union,
1982.
�5
Martha
Washington
freed the Washington
slaves
on
January
1,
1801.
According to the
terms of Washington' s will, his estate paid pensions to his former slaves until 1833.
Martha Washington' s dower slaves became the property of her grandchildren after her
death on May 22, 1802.
Mechal Sobel, The World
Sources:
Eighteenth-
Century
They
Virginia, ( Princeton:
Made
Together:
Princeton
Black and White Values in
University
Press,
1987),
pp. 153, 287
n. 76; James Thomas Flexner, George Washington: Anguish and Farewell ( 1793- 1799),
and Toronto:
Boston
Mount
Vernon
Ladies'
Little, Brown and
Company,
1969),
p. 446; Mary Thompson, The
Association.
Biography of Matthew Ashby in The Ashby Family Biography ( Enslaving Virginia
Resource Book, pp. 603- 605)
Note: corrections in bold type
In the autumn of 1770 a runaway slave advertisement for Sam in the Virginia
Gazette " forewarns all persons" that Sam " pretends to lay claim to freedom, and is now
harbored at one Matthew Ashby' s" suggesting that Ashby was in contact with the larger
African- American community.'
Biography of John Hope ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 618- 619)
Robin Kipps of the Galt Apothecary points out two mistakes in the biography of John
Hope. First, at the end of the second paragraph on page 618, is the statement that Hope
passed to Dr. Benjamin Calton Junior in 1749 and that he might have picked up the
medical side of barbering from his new master. The problem is that the barber- surgeon
guild of London separated in 1745. While there was a reference to a barber- surgeon in
Williamsburg in the early eighteenth century, the staff of the Galt Apothecary Shop has
not found any references to barber- surgeons in Williamsburg in the mid- to lateeighteenth century.
The second problem is that the biography states Hope might have learned about
bleeding to restore the humors. While it is doubtful that Hope practiced the medical side
of barbering, a professional doctor did not teach the theory of humors in the mid- to lateeighteenth century. By this time doctors used bleeding to treat inflammation and
inflammatory fevers. Galen' s theory of the humors was long gone as part of professional
medicine.
Virginia
Gazette,
Purdie and Dixon, eds., 25 October
1770.
�6
Additional Information about Thomas Jefferson' s slave Jupiter, 1743- 1800 ( See
biography of Thomas Jefferson in the Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 621.- 622)
One of the goals of the Getting Word Oral History Project at Monticello is to bring the
African- Americans of Monticello and their descendants into clearer view. Cinder Stanton
shares this information about one such person.
In 1743, two children were born at Shadwell, a newly opened plantation on
Virginia' s frontier. They may have played together as boys, and, as young men, they
traveled the length and breadth of Virginia together and found wives on the same
plantation near Williamsburg. For over fifty years their lives were bound together by
law, for one man, Jupiter, was considered the property of the other, Thomas Jefferson.
Jupiter, whose last name may have been Evans, acted as Jefferson' s personal
servant and traveling attendant during the years of Jefferson' s law study and practice. In
1774, when the Hemings family came to Monticello, Jupiter took up a new position as
coachman, with responsibility for the fine horses in the Monticello stables. He also
apprenticed to a local stone cutter, William Rice, with whom he worked to shape the
cylindrical blocks of stone that form the columns of the Monticello entrance portico.
We recently learned of another monument of Jupiter' s making. Hired by Rice,
Jupiter worked for eighteen days on the oldest grave marker in the Charlottesville
cemetery. The smoothly chiseled 3 by 6 foot gravestone dates from 1778.
Jupiter' s wife Susan, or Suck, was a cook, and their son Philip was, like his father,
a skillful handler of horses. In the War of 1812, Philip Evans accompanied Jefferson' s
son- in- law Thomas Mann Randolph to upstate New York. Left with the colonel' s horses
at Sackett' s Harbor while the army proceeded down the St. Lawrence River, Evans made
the 100- mile overland journey alone and safely delivered the horses to Randolph at the
army' s winter quarters across the river from the free soil of Canada.
Susan Scott, probably Jupiter' s granddaughter, was taken to north Alabama in
1846 by Jefferson' s great- grandson William Stuart Bankhead. Descendants of both
families still live in the same community 150 years after leaving Virginia.
Source:
Cinder Stanton, " A Clearer View,"
2 Issue #
in Getting Word: The Newsletter, Volume
1, Spring 1998.
Biography of William Pasteur( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 626- 627; see also
The Apothecary, pp. 255- 260)
William Pasteur' s mother was Martha Harris, the second wife of Jean/ John Pasteur.
wife was Elizabeth Stith, daughter of the Reverend William Stith.
sister
was
Mary
Stith.
His
Elizabeth Pasteur' s
�7
Biography of George Wythe ( Enslaving Virginia Resource Book, pp. 636- 637)
Note: corrections in bold type
Wythe was admitted to the bar when he was twenty and practiced law with Zachary
Lewis who was a prominent lawyer in Spotsylvania County. In 1747, he married Lewis'
daughter, Ann.
Information about Slaves Who Worked as Gardeners
This section contains information about Lancaster who worked at the Palace during
Francis Fauquier' s tenure as Lieutenant Governor, the enslaved men who tended the
Palace Gardens during Lord Botetourt' s administration, and a gardener whom Thomas
Jefferson hired to work when he was Governor of Virginia.
Lancaster
In 1768 Lancaster asked Christopher Ayscough to purchase him from the estate of
Governor Francis Fauquier. The two men had worked together as gardeners at the
Governor' s Palace. Ayscough and his wife were two of Fauquier' s white servants.
Perhaps Lancaster and Ayscough developed a friendship based on the type of work that
they performed at the Governor' s Palace. Ann Ayscough received £ 250 for her" Fidelity
Attention" and her economy in managing the kitchen at the Palace from Fauquier.8
Ayscough probably used part of his wife' s legacy to purchase Lancaster, a slave woman
named
Lucy,
and five
other
slaves.
He also bought a house and lot on the James City
County side of Williamsburg. In October 1768 he announced that he had opened a tavern
faced the south side of the Capitol. 9 Lancaster probably tended the garden on
that
Ayscough' s lot. It is possible that he served food and drink in addition to looking after
the horses that belonged to his master' s customers.
Ayscough decided to leave the tavern
keeping business in 1770. In September of that year he informed readers of the Virginia
Gazette of his decision and of the sale he planned to have at his house on the 27`h of that
month. Ayscough noted that he would sell " nine Negroes, one an exceeding good cook
a fellow who is a fine gardener." 10 There is no information about the person
who purchased Lancaster at Ayscough' s sale.
wench, and
York County Wills and Inventories( 21) 396- 404, dated 26 March 1767 and recorded 21 March 1768.
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 6 October
10
Virginia Gazette,
Purdie and Dixon,
eds.,
1768.
20 September
1770.
�8
Enslaved Gardeners at the Palace During Lord Botetourt' s Administration
Silas Blandford managed the people who worked in the third service area at the Palace—
the stables, the coach house, the garden, the park, and lands. Like William Marshman
and the cooks, Blandford supervised the labor of white servants, black slaves, and free
persons of color. The permanent staff included Thomas Gale, a coachman and carter;
James Simpson and James Wilson, the gardeners; a blacksmith named John Draper;
Joshua Kendall, the carpenter; and a groom by the name of Samuel King. Draper,
Kendall, and possibly Gale also worked as waiters when Marshman needed extra help in
the Palace.' 1
Marshman' s accounts indicate that James Simpson supervised
the slaves whom the butler
hired to work in the Palace Gardens, Park, and Lands. In March and April of 1769
Marshman noted
and Tom—
paid at least four of the gardener' s men— Bacchus, Will, Jack,
for work that they performed in the Palace. Marshman did not include the
that
he
name of the slave who labored for him on two occasions. The butler needed additional
assistance to get the Palace ready for spring or for the ball that Botetourt gave on May 19,
1769 to celebrate Queen Charlotte' s birthday.
In addition to Bacchus, Will, Jack, and Tom, James Simpson( and later, James Wilson)
oversaw the slaves who worked at the Palace for a few days, a few months, or a year.
John Randolph' s gardener worked at the Palace for two days in April of 1769. Mrs.
Wray' s July 1769 bill of£ 5. 1. 8 for men in the garden suggests that two of her enslaved
men tended plants in Botetourt' s garden for several months. It is likely that Abraham
hired from William Presson), Ben, Billy ( hired from Sarah Crawley), Lewis ( hired from
Mary
Tabb),
and Nat( hired from Grissel Hay) labored under the direction of Simpson
and Wilson. Billy and Nat probably returned to their owners' homes at the end of the
day, since the widow Crawley lived near Williamsburg and Grissel Hay made her home
in a dwelling on Market Square. William Presson and Mary Tabb were residents of
Charles Parish and it is likely that Abraham and Lewis slept in the stables, the coach
house, or an outbuilding. The contents of a" Small Room Adjoyning to Poultry
1 Old Mattrass"
House"—"
over
the
and " 2 Old Blankets"— suggests that the slave who watched
livestock and poultry used
this space
for sleeping.
12 This enslaved laborer, like
others who did not come into daily contact with whites who visited the Palace, probably
who tended crops on plantations.
13 These
wore clothing
similar to that worn by slaves
Hood, The Governor' s Palace, pp. 250, 253.
12 Ibid., p. 30.
11 The first store room at the Palace contained material at the time of Botetourt' s inventory.
have used the"
2 p[ iece] s Oznabrigs"
and the"
37 yds Oznabrigs—
76&
V. do [ ditto]"
A tailor might
to make shirts or
summer suits for the slaves who worked in the Palace Stables, Coach House, Garden, and Park. The
material
might
have been
used for
slave
bedding.
The"
8 V. yds brown
Holland— 5 1/2 yds printed Cotton—
1 Woman' s Cotton Gown" in the store room might have been for Sally, the laundry maid. The" 26 pr plain
Negroes
Shoes"
were
for the bond laborers
who
worked
outside.
Hood,
The Governor'
s
Palace,
p. 290.
�9
slaves also had fewer opportunities to earn tips than did the enslaved men and women
who worked in the Palace.
James, a slave belonging to the estate of Carter Burwell, worked in the Palace Gardens
during Botetourt' s administration. William Nelson, Burwell' s executor, also hired James
to Governors Fauquier and Dunmore. James was a skilled gardener who had the
privilege of tending some land on his own time. On October 12, 1769, Marshman paid
him for fifty-eight pounds of hops at one shilling per pound. He received forty- four
shillings from Botetourt' s butler for forty- four pounds of hops on September 7, 1770.
Nathaniel
Burwell hired James to Carter Burwell
in 1774 and 1775, and
to Captain
Thomas Lilly in 1776. James was at Carter' s Grove from 1783 to 1786. 14
Enslaved Gardeners at the Palace During Lord Dunmore' s Administration
The claims that John Ferguson, the public gardener, submitted to the Committee of Safety
indicate that slaves ( both Dunmore' s and those whom Ferguson hired) continued to work
at the Palace in the first half of 1776. On February 16, 1776, the Convention ordered the
Commissary of Provisions to deliver rations to Ferguson for himself and" the slaves
employed in
the
Publick
The gardener also received £ 7. 15. 8 to cover his
service."
expenses. On April 9, 1776, the members of the convention gave Ferguson a warrant" for
18. 16. 5
services
presented
his
and
account
negro
hire in
the
of£ 16. 8. 4 " for
Palace Gardens."
negro
hire and
Two months later Ferguson
attendance, &
c., in the Palace
Garden as public Gardener." 15
Enslaved Gardener Owned by Joseph Prentis
Thomas Jefferson hired a gardener from Joseph Prentis while he served as Governor of
Virginia. On December 20, 1779, Jefferson noted that he " Pd. Mr. Prentis for hire of
gardener£ 27- 12."
16
Unfortunately, Jefferson did not include the name of Prentis' s
enslaved gardener.
1831 to 1832 Session of the Virginia Legislature
Prohibits
White Men and Women From
Teaching Slaves and Free Blacks to Read and to Write
In the wake of Nat Turner' s 1831 rebellion, a number of Virginia legislators, under the
14 Burwell Ledger( 1773- 1779), pp. 22, 48, 90( transcript); James City County Personal Property Tax Lists
1783
to 1786.
is Calendar ofState Papers, 8: 85, 159, 193.
16 James A. Bear, Jr., and Lucia C. Stanton,
Records
and
Miscellany,
1767- 1826, 2
eds., Jefferson' s Memorandum
vols.,(
Princeton:
Princeton
Books.
University
Accounts,
Press,
1997),
with Legal
1: 489.
�10
leadership of Thomas J. Randolph, Thomas Jefferson' s grandson, proposed plans for the
emancipation of the state' s slaves. The state' s representatives ultimately rejected that
option in favor of new restraints on slaves and free blacks. Free blacks were denied the
right to trial by jury. Both free blacks and slaves were forbidden to preach or lead
religious meetings. For the first time, the legislators decided to prohibit white men and
women from teaching slaves and free blacks to read and to write. A white person who
taught a free black could be fined up to $50 and imprisoned for up to two months. The
fine for teaching
Only
four
states—
a slave
to
read
or write
was
between $ 10 and $ 100.
Virginia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Georgia—
prohibited
whites from teaching slaves to read in the last thirty years of slavery. Other states had
similar measures that covered shorter periods of time or outlawed the instruction of a
group of slaves, but not of individual slaves.
Sources: Peter Kolchin, American Slavery, 1619- 1877, ( New York: Hill and Wang,
1993), p. 129; Alison Goodyear
Slavery
Debate
Press, 1982).
of 1831-
Freehling,
Drift Toward Dissolution:
1832, ( Baton Rouge and London:
The
Virginia
Louisiana State University
�
Dublin Core
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Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
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Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
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A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
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Title
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The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. June 3, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-06-03
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https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/acd8f5fea649f25d09fdcbeb422bbc0f.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=qWyAVTJO5k-YEyCN5RFkAUkD4fXQnOJ8fbnrfR8lrWvUAe4hRTnB3uYf0cjAu96h2ghSWRVdeP37gS3E3fWt4z5w0EtW3eoBChj9ZMlmLbQjrTgFUIj6wBYbeTI4qoQxRpBzOjZJkUBFkkFxsEfNyStUXGdZ8wQ-eTUMF9%7EyA9ldDyGHPKQPjk4A-0uJfY6POTpcdxk-65VVfvz1RFSrEHGIWjeI8Z3axc9SxwSD1-RS9yrpa98v8vhKMMGa8aLhKG1OxjrMHvewwbrOg%7E7BSaCmsPJ4THPN%7EcsNBgE9rtvgStEgSoLG1pXVUPBVaDxOxPyvJTIy3fAL-umDcn%7EsMg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. May 20, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-05-20
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/b81885f6869d0959aea1fdc401cfeb74.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=I7ymOYAgL9pMlZiAC97roiXor9fK6w22r1mU1uXltNUVsAFmw73hK6TxvA4d1vqg4mHOF%7EeRJamfiAWxzmbMfXeghYluLHdMahpdAnfNsnFmbLVgnPyXcTsa-JKYAG8Hb5KfsRMrCV03yzRPuwjNcNfylqF4aoQx0sVSuaYaxOpkjSu2Y1JC8KlLyOFK%7El2-ZdIkwmvg-JUidkWg5dBk84NKykWxmXmMBn4cNUkSiNTm6704sP0FkZwsxEWQkwyVJ-Zl3W2T5Q3PDxPwj6iaQD1pWdFpCWTMB-X8ZOpoB93lwc-ZtDIna%7EmR9IQ43IKP38wlh1b2Gb-yZDi3KmnN4g__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
cfd59ebc8efb64546d83d7754a16e616
PDF Text
Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
May 6, 1999
The fourth issue of" The Network" includes a selection of runaway slave advertisements
that contain information about the duties, responsibilities, and skills of personal slaves
and enslaved men and women who worked in houses. All references are from the first
volume (Virginia and North Carolina) of Lathan A. Windley, comp., Runaway Slave
Advertisements:
Connecticut:
A Documentary History from the 1730s to 1790, 4 vols., Westport,
Greenwood Press, 1983. This issue also contains two letters that Sampson
Matthews of Richmond wrote to Colonel John Cropper of Accomack County in 1785.
Matthews directed Cropper to purchase six slaves— a personal servant for his wife and an
enslaved boy who could wait in the house and drive a carriage. The third section of" The
Network" lists two new books on slavery and the slave trade.
Virginia
Gazette—
October
27,
1752
RAN away from the Subscriber, living in New- Kent County, on the first day of
September last, a fair Mulatto Woman Slave, named Moll, about 22 Years of Age, and 5
Feet high, with brown Hair, grey Eyes, very large Breasts and Limbs, two of her upper
fore Teeth are rotten and broken off; she took with her 4 brown Linnen Shirts, 3 VirginiaCloth Petticoats, 3 Roles Aprons, several Holland Caps, and an old blue and white
Virginia- Cloth Wastecoat; she stole about Five Pounds in Cash, so that its likely she may
have bought other Clothes, she is a very sly subtle Wench and a great Lyar; she is very
handy about waiting and tending in a House, and can wash, iron and sew coarse Work:
It' s likely she may change her Name, pass for a free Woman and hire herself. Whoever
will bring her to Col. William Macon, in New- Kent County, to Mr. William Macon, Jun.
in Hanover County, or to the Subscriber, shall have Two Pistoles Reward, besides what
the Law allows.
Martha Massie
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, 27 October 1752 ( Windley, p. 30).
Gazette—
September 5, 1755
York- Town,
August 27, 1755
RAN away from the Subscriber, early on Saturday Morning last, a young Negroe Fellow,
named Mingo, of a yellowish Complexion, slim made, about 15 Years of Age; had on
when he went away, a light colored Russia Drab Coat; He was seen in and about
Hampton, and pretended he was sent down to wait on a Gentleman. He took with him a
Bay
Horse,
Slave,
which
and deliver
has
since
been found
near
him to Mr. Jacob Walker,
Hampton.
or
Whoever will apprehend the said
Mr. George
Walker,
in Hampton,
shall
�2
have Half a Pistole Reward, besides what the Law allows.
John Norton.
N. B. The said Slave has been Outlaw' d.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, 5 September 1755 ( Windley, pp. 32- 33).
Gazette— October 20, 1768
RUN away from the subscriber in Chesterfield,.the Wednesday before Easter last, a bright
mulatto wench named JUDE, about 30 years old, is very remarkable, has lost one eye, but
which I have forgot, has long black hair, a large scar on one of her elbows, and several
other scars in her face, and has been subject to running away ever since she was ten years
old. I have great reason to think she will pass for a free woman, and endeavour to make
into South Carolina. She is very knowing about house business, can spin, weave, sew,
and iron, well.
She had on when she went away her winter clothing, also a blue and white
striped Virginia cloth gown, a Virginia cloth copperas and white striped coat, besides
others too tedious to mention. Whoever conveys the said slave to me shall be well
rewarded for their trouble.
MARY CLAY.
Source: Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 20 October 1768 ( Windley, p. 65).
Virginia
Gazette—
March 19, 1772
RUN away from the subscriber in Essex, a mulatto fellow ( who some time ago belonged
to Mr. Thomas Barnes) named JOE, of the middle size, well proportioned, combs his hair
remarkably neat, has been always kept as a waitingman, is very smart in his answers, and
understands house business, as well as the management of horses. He is a good
shoemaker, and can do many other things, can read and write tolerably well, and probably
may have a forged pass, or discharge, as he had one wrote by me to pass until the 31st of
July. He has a variety of clothes, but those most commonly used by him are a blue
Newmarket coat, a brown fustian do. leather breeches, an old green shag jacket, a coarse
leaden coloured cloth coat and vest, with white metal buttons, a laced hat, and another
bound with black ferret, several
white
shirts,
stockings, &
c.
He carried with him a dark
brown blooded mare, about 13 hands and a half high, about 8 years old, trots, has a little
white I believe on one of her feet, and branded on her buttock WR in a piece. He was
seen on Sunday the 30th of July with the said mare saddled, and a bundle of clothes, at
Mr. Robert Tomlin' s, in Richmond county. Whoever takes up the runaway and mare, and
conveys them to me, living near Hobb' s Hole, shall have 5 1. reward; and if taken
upwards of 50 miles from Hobb' s Hole, shall be paid for travelling.
WILLIAM ROANE.
Source:
Virginia
Gazette, Purdie and Dixon,
eds.,
17 August
1769 (
Windley,
p. 72).
�3
Virginia
Gazette—
March 19, 1772
FREDERICKSBURG,
March
11,
1772.
FWI BEN POUNDS Reward for taking up, and delivering to me, my Man CHRISTMAS.
He is a lusty, well made, genteel Fellow, has waited on me from my Infancy, can shave
and dress extremely well, and is about thirty Years of Age; his Complexion is rather light
his Father being a light Mulatto) very pleasant, and well featured. He has been
inoculated for the Smallpox, but has no Marks except the Scar of the Incision on one
Arm, and at present a large Cut on his Shin, the Effect of a late Night Revel; he can read,
is very fluent of Speech, speaks with great Propriety, and is so artful that he can invent a
plausible Tale at a Moment' s Warning, which makes me suspect that he will now pass
unmolested, under some Pretence or other, as a Freeman, which I presume will be most
desirable to him; though he has lived little short of it with me, having been too indulged,
and being very idle during my present Indisposition, he has grown wanton in
Licentiousness, and several gross Acts of ill Behaviour this Week past, are now
completed by an Elopement last Monday Night. It will be in vain to describe his Dress,
as he has already changed his Livery, and it seems has taken a brown Kersey Waistcoat
belonging to my Cook, which I presume he will retain as Part of his Dress. The above
Reward will be proportioned, and paid according to the Distance he may be taken up and
brought home, namely, FIVE POUNDS if above twenty and under fifty Miles, TEN
POUNDS is [ sic] above fifty and under a Hundred Miles, and 1~ 11-1 EEN POUNDS for
any Distance above a Hundred Miles in this Colony; but if he is taken out of the Colony, I
will give TWENTY POUNDS.
JAMES MERCER.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon,
Gazette—
August
eds.,
19 March 1772 ( Windley, p. 111).
6, 1772
TAPPAHANNOCK,
Essex County,
August 1, 1772.
RUN away from the Subscriber' s Plantation, about a Mile distant from the said Town,
last May, a likely, well made, light coloured Mulatto Wench named PHEBE, about five
Feet four Inches high, and about twenty two Years old; as she had formerly been a House
Servant, she had a Variety of Clothes. A Propensity for Pleasure in the Night brought a
little Punishment
from the Overseer, which I suppose made her run off. Some Years ago
I had her of a certain Ambrose Jones, then of this County, but now in Brunswick, where
perhaps she may have strolled to. Whoever conveys her to me, or secures her in any of
his Majesty' s Jails, shall have FORTY SHILLINGS Reward, besides what the Law
allows.
ARCHIBALD
RITCHIE.
�4
Source:
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 6 August 1772 ( Windley, p. 118).
Virginia Gazette— November
5, 1772
TEN POUNDS
REWARD.
RUN away from the Subscriber, in Northumberland, on Wednesday the 14th of October,
a very likely young Virginia born Negro Man named DAVID, of a yellowish complexion,
and about five Feet five Inches high; had on when he went off an Osnabrug Shirt, a Pair
of Purple Virginia Cloth Breeches lined with white Linen, a Pair of Rolls Breeches over
them, and a Fearnought Jacket with Horn Buttons.
He carried with him a brown coloured
Kersey Jacket, a blue and white Virginia cloth One with coarse Osnabrug Pockets, brown
and white Linen Shirts, and sundry other Clothes which I cannot well describe; but, as he
is a very cunning artful Fellow, I imagine he will sell and swap his Clothes as may suit
him. Though his hair is of the Negro kind, he keeps it very high and well combed; but, as
he wants to be free, I imagine he will cut it off, and get a Wig to alter and disguise
himself. He had with him thirty or forty Shillings in Silver Money, and a Brass Medal
with the Image of our present King and Queen on it, which he will endeavour to pass for
Gold. He can read pretty well, and I make no Doubt will endeavour to pass for a Freeman
and get himself a forged Pass, and endeavour for some foreign Part, either by getting on
Board of some Vessel or stealing some Gentleman' s Horse and make for Carolina. He
has always been my Waiting Man when I went from home, and is a good Waiter, Driver,
and Hostler, understands something of Gardening, of combing and dressing Wigs and
Hair, can plough, work at the Hoe and Axe very well, and is, on the Whole, a very clever
active brisk Fellow. Whoever will apprehend the said Runaway, and bring him home to
me, or secure him in any Jail in the Colony, so that I get him, shall have FIVE POUNDS
Reward, and reasonable Charges allowed; if out of the Colony TEN POUNDS, and
reasonable Charges for bringing him home.
THOMAS
GASKINS.
N. B. He is suspected to have carried with him a Drab coloured Sailor' s Jacket with Slash
Sleeves, Leather Buttons on the Sleeves, if not on the Breast, and lined through with red
and white Swanskin; also a Pair of old white Plush Breeches, which are missing.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 6 August 1772 ( Windley, p. l23)
Gazette— June 30, 1774
AUGUSTA, June 18, 1774.
RUN away the 16th Instant, from the Subscriber, a Negro Man named BACCHUS, about
30 Years of Age, five Feet six or seven Inches high, strong and well made; had on, and
took with him, two white Russia Drill Coats, one turned up with blue, the other quite
plain and new, with white figured Metal Buttons, blue Plush Breeches, a fine Cloth
Pompadour
Waistcoat,
two or three thin or Summer
Jackets,
sundry
Pairs of
white
Thread
�5
Stockings, five or six white Shirts, two of them pretty fine, neat Shoes, Silver Buckles, a
fine Hat cut and cocked in the Macaroni Figure, a double- milled Drab Great Coat, and
He formerly belonged to Doctor George Pitt, of
Williamsburg, and I imagine is gone there under Pretence of my sending him upon
sundry
other
Wearing
Apparel.
Business, as I have frequently heretofore done; he is a cunning, artful, sensible Fellow,
and very capable of forging a Tale to impose on the Unwary, is well acquainted with the
lower Parts of the Country, having constantly rode with me for some Years past, and has
been used to waiting from his Infancy. He was seen a few Days before he went off with a
Purse of Dollars, and had just before changed a five Pound Bill; most, or all of which, I
which he might easily have done, I having
trusted him much after what I thought had proved his Fidelity. He will probably
suppose
he must have robbed
me
off [ sic],
endeavour to pass for a Freeman by the Name of John Christian, and attempt to get on
Board some Vessel bound for Great Britain, from the Knowledge he has of the late
Determination of Somerset' s Case. Whoever takes up the said Slave shall have 5 1.
Reward, on his Delivery to GABRIEL JONES.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 30 June 1774 ( Windley, pp. 149- 150).
Gazette—
July 5, 1776
LANCASTER, June 13, 1776.
RUN away from the subscriber, on Monday the 10th instant ( June) two men slaves, both
Virginia born, viz. BILLY, a stout well made black fellow, about 5 feet 6 inches high, 25
years of age, who has been used to gardening, cooking, taking care of horses, and very
handy, if he pleases, about any kind of house business. KITT, a stout mulatto fellow,
much knock kneed, between 17 and 18 years of age, stammers a little in his speech, and is
about 5 feet 9 inches high. Billy had on a leather cap, and both of them went off in their
work clothes, of country cloth. I will give 40 s. reward to any person who will deliver the
said negroes to me, or secure them so that I get them again.
MUNGO HARVEY.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 5 July 1776 ( Windley, p. 252).
Gazette— June 6, 1777
MECKLENBURG,
June 2, 1777.
RUN away from Doctor David Black' s of Blandford, some Time in August last, a Negro
Fellow named SAM ( now my Property) about 40 Years of Age, 5 Feet 8 or 9 Inches high,
has a large Sore on the Inside of his right Ancle, and his Leg in general much swelled. He
carried with him
an
old black gray Coat,
a
striped
Worsted
Cap,
Trousers, &
c. He may
probably endeavour to pass for a free Man, as he is fully acquainted with Household and
Kitchen
Work, and
frequently
said his Name
was
Sam Leismore before he left
the
West
�6
Indies.
Whoever apprehends
the said Fellow, and delivers him to the Subscriber,
or
secures him in any Gaol in Virginia, shall receive TWENTY SHILLINGS, besides what
the Law allows.
JOHN MURRAY.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Dixon and Hunter, eds., 6 June 1777 ( Windley, pp. 184- 185).
Gazette— August 8, 1777
RUN away from the subscriber, the 21st of July, a mulatto girl named KATE, or
Catharine, about 5 feet high, has been brought up in the house from her infancy, and can
work well with a needle. She is 19 or 20 years of age, has a smiling countenance when
spoke to, and at some times is rather impertinent. She has endeavoured to pass for a free
girl, and was going to the West Indies with the mate of some vessel, but was detected.
She has now made a second elopement. I imagine she may be lurking about some of the
shores, in order to get off. She has a great number of very good clothes, therefore it is
uncertain what she may have with her. I will give a reward of 3 1. to any person that will
deliver her to col. John Wilson, or mrs. Mary Bradley, at the N. W. Landing, Norfolk
county, or to the jailer of Elizabeth City.
BRADLEY.
Source:
Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 8 August 1777 ( Windley, pp. 263- 264).
Virginia
Gazette—
December 19, 1777
NORTH CAROLINA State,
BUTE County,
Nov. 20, 1777.
RUN away from the Subscriber last Night, a Negro Man Slave named PETER, about 5
Feet 6 Inches high, made in Proportion; he has, from his Infancy, been a waiting- Man,
and drives a Chair very well, has a smiling Countenance, and very complaisant, had a
Squeel in his Speech, and Chews Tobacco,
at other Times takes Snuff; he carried with
him two Suits of Clothes, one green Frize Half wore, the other a grey Coat bound, and the
Binding now almost white, the Jacket for that is a born, 4 or 5 Pair of Breeches, one of
which is Leather, 4 good Shirts, 2 of them striped Cotton, marked WP, with Bands of the
same, stamped with red as the Shirts, 3 pair of new Shoes, and 1 Pair Half soled, two
good Dutch Blankets, an old Worsted Cap and a Hat, with a Piece Burnt off one Side; he
is a good Plantation Waggoner, careful of his master' s Horses, as a waiting Man. and very
honest. I can assign no Reason for his running away, but quarreling with his Wife. I will
give TEN DOLLARS to any Person that will deliver him to me, and pay all Charges, let
him be well used.
WILLIAM PARK.
Source:
Virginia
Gazette,
Dixon and Hunter,
eds.,
19 December
1777 (
Windley,
p. 190).
�7
Virginia
Gazette—
May 29, 1778
Two Hundred Dollars Reward.
RUN away from the subscriber in Northumberland, two negro men, viz. JOE, a tall black
fellow,
who
has
a
fine smooth
address,
a
hole in
one
of his
cheeks
and is very artful.
He
can read a little, is fond of singing hymns, and exhorting his brethren of the Ethiopian
tribe. BILLY, a stout well made dark mulatto, has very black hair, and is remarkably
cunning. They are both good house servants, and understand the business of a stable.
The above reward will be paid on their being delivered to me, or one half for either.
JOHN GORDON.
Source:
Virginia
Virginia Gazette, Purdie, ed., 29 May 1778 ( Windley, p. 270).
Gazette
and
Weekly
RUN away from my farm
Advertiser—
near
September 20, 1783
Fredericksburg
on
the 9th
July
last . . .
A likely well grown
negro lad, about eighteen years old, named ROBIN, absconded from me about the same
time; he was brought up from his infancy a house servant, hath been in England, and sent
back for pilfering; the same cause induced me lately to put him to labour in the field. I
cannot describe his dress; what is most remarkable in his person, is long slim feet and
legs, the calves of which are rather higher than common, his head is I think less than
proportionate, and and [ sic] forehead low, and his mouth pretty large, his hands and feet
both delicate, having never been used to hard work, or to go without shoes; he is very
fluent in speech, and much addicted to lying. I will give one half of the rewards offered
for Anthony [ ten dollars if taken within 20 miles, 15 dollars if 40 miles, 20 dollars if
more than 60 miles, and 30 dollars if out of the state of Virginia, and reasonable
travelling expenses, or the like sums for securing him in jail, till I can send for and get
him], to any person who brings him home, or secures him in any jail till I get him.
CHARLES
Source:
YATES.
Virginia Gazette and Weekly Advertiser, Nicolson and Prentis, eds., 20
September 1783 ( Windley, pp. 220- 221).
Virginia
Gazette
or
American
Advertiser— October 16, 1784
TWENTY POUNDS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the subscriber, near Leeds- Town, on Rappahanock River, about the
first of October, 1783, a likely Mulatto woman named CHARITY, who carried with her
three children, two boys and a girl; her husband, a Negro man belonging to Col. William
Fauntleroy,
of Naylor'
s
Hole, carried
them
on
the South
side
of James River,
near
the
�8
City of Richmond, where he secreted them until April, 1784; they were then brought to
Naylor' s Hole with the small pox on them, and some time in June they went away again.
I cannot tell whether they are marked with the small pox, as I never saw them after they
had it, nor can I describe the cloathes they carried with them, as neither myself or family
had been at home for several months before they went away. She is a likely wench, has
an uncommon good voice, is a good house servant, and can spin and knit very well.
About the same time a young Negro fellow named FRANK, a house servant, also went
away; he was in possession of Mr. Brownlow, of Fredericksburg, until some time in June,
and in July I had him brought home, but he ran away again; he is a likely active lad, about
18 years old, and about five feet six inches high, well made, has large full eyes, but no not
remember any other particular mark. I will give FIVE POUNDS for the wench and
children, to be secured in any gaol, and notice given that I may get them again, or TEN
POUNDS to have them brought home. The same Reward will be given for Frank, or as
they are unwilling to stay at home, I will sell them, or either of them, to any gentleman
inclinable to purchase, who will get them in possession, and make application to
THOMAS TURNER.
Source:
Virginia
Gazette
or
American
Advertiser,
Hayes,
ed., 16 October 1784
Windley, pp. 364- 365).
Virginia
Gazette
or
American Advertiser—
May 10, 1786
RUN away from the Subscriber, a mulatto man named JOE, about 5 feet 6 or 7 inches
high, 25 years of age, bandy legged, thick lips, and speaks broken English, being raised at
the Illinois. He is a good Barber, and a handy fellow about a Gentleman' s person, being
always kept as a waiting- man. He is well acquainted in Richmond, and it is expected he
will make for that place. Whoever will bring said fellow to me again, or give such
information that I may get him, shall be handsomely rewarded.
JOHN BRECKINRIDGE.
Albemarle, March 27, 1786.
Source:
Virginia
Gazette
or
American
Advertiser,
Hayes,
ed.,
10 May 1786 ( Windley, p.
384).
Virginia Gazette
or
American Advertiser—
May 24, 1786
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY form the Estate of the late John Mayo, deceased, in February last, a negro
man, about 35 years of age, of a yellowish complexion, much pitted with the small pox, 5
feet 8 or 9 inches high, he calls himself WILL QUASH, and sometimes WILL DAMAR,
and affects to be a Cook and Waterman; formerly belonged to Mr. Norton, and lived in
Williamsburg.
As it is
highly
probable he may
attempt
to
pass for
a
free
man,
all persons
�9
are forewarned not to carry him out of the State. Whoever will apprehend the said Slave,
and deliver him either to Mr. John Beckley, in Richmond, or Mr. William Mayo, near
thereto, shall receive the above reward, besides what the law allows.
RICHMOND, May 20, 1786.
Virginia Gazette or American Advertiser, Hayes, ed., 24 May 1786 ( Windley, p.
Source:
386).
Virginia Independent Chronicle and General Advertiser—
July 28, 1790
Run away from the subscriber, last Fall, from Richmond, where he was hired, a negro
man, named GLOUCESTER. He formerly waited on my father, and is a very artful,
cunning fellow, being acquainted in many of the States; he is near six feet high, his legs
rather small, and knocked kneed, has a large scar over his right eye, a very white set of
teeth, and about forty years of age; he is a native of Jamaica, and has a brand on the
shoulder ;
speaks in the dialect of the West- Indies, and professes himself an hostler; he
understands the cooking business, and formerly belonged to Doct. John Baker, with
whom he lived some years in Williamsburg. He will endeavour to pass as a freeman, as I
understand he informed many persons whilst in Richmond he was free, and called himself
John Baker. I have been informed he intended to Petersburg, Goochland, or Alexandria,
the latter I think the most probable place. All masters of vessels, and others, are
forewarned taking
the said
fellow
out
of
the country,
at their
peril. Any person delivering
him to me in Gloucester, or securing him in any jail so that I get him again, shall be
handsomely rewarded, exclusive of what the law allows.
Source:
Virginia Independent Chronicle and General Advertiser, Davis, ed., 28 July
1790 ( Windley, pp. 417- 418).
In 1785 Sampson Mathews of Richmond wrote two letters to Colonel John Cropper of
Accomack County about the purchase of six slaves. He wanted a slave girl to wait on his .
wife and an enslaved boy who could wait in the house and drive a carnage.
Richmond 14th Febry 1785
Sir
at which Time you was Kind Enough To under Take the
Purchas of four slaves) my wife has Lost her maid, which is very Inconvenient, therefore
if the Purchase be Not Compleat before this goes To hand, youl Pleas Procure a Likely
Since
Negro
girl
the
3d.
from 12
well disposed,
or
ulto. (
to
in
18 years
other
that
words
Can Shew, &
is acustomed To Wait on Ladies honest
Such
you think may Suit
a one
as
�on reverse]
Sir,
I should be glad of a Compleat house servant that Could Drive a Carriage, sober
one Suitable To these Purposes[&]
By Youl Not Hesitate for Price
Provided you have Not already made the Purchase of the whole order
well disposed,
Richmond 29th March 1785
Sir
I
14t. Febry&
have Not Recd any Answer or Information how you
have succeeded in the Purchase of Slaves which you was kind Enough To under Take for
me, in the Letter Last wrote I Requested you To Purchase a Negroe girl about 15 years of
age
wrote
you the
accustomed To Shew &
wait on Ladies &
a boy of about 14 or 18 years accustomed
To wait in the house; I hope before this Time you have Compleated the Purchase &
forwarded the Slaves. if Not I Earnestly Request you To Compleat the Purchase as Soon
as
Possible
upon
the Best Terms
you Can &
as Near To the Instructions as oppertunatie
may offer. If oppertunatie offers this way by Craft Please send what you may have
Purchased.
Source: John Cropper Papers, 1779- 1820, Virginia Historical Society Mss: 1C8835a.
New Books on the Slave Trade and Slavery
Klein, Herbert S.
The Atlantic Slave Trade. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1999.
Melish,
Joanne
Pope.
Disowning Slavery:
England, 1780- 1860.
Gradual Emancipation
Ithaca, NY & London:
Cornell
and " Race"
University
Press,
in New
1998.
�
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The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
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The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. May 6, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-05-06
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Text
The Network
An Enslaving Virginia Publication
April 22, 1999
The third issue of" The Network" includes a bibliography of additional readings in
seventeenth- and eighteenth- century West African History and Culture, an examination of
the way in which St. George Tucker and his family came to effectively repudiate
emancipation after the turn of the nineteenth century, and a story about James Armistead
Lafayette, a slave who spied for the Americans during the Revolution.
Lorena S. Walsh—" Suggested Additional
Century
West African
History
Readings in Seventeenth-
and Eighteenth-
and Culture" ( March 1999)
This bibliography is intended to provide an introduction to the most recent, most
available, and most readable sources that address issues of West African history and
culture in the era of the slave trade for anyone interested in pursuing these topics beyond
the brief summary in the Prologue of the Enslaving Virginia Resource Book.
Because African history is relatively unfamiliar to most interpreters and scholars
at Colonial Williamsburg, a good starting point is basic texts in African history. By far
the most comprehensive recent text is Philip Curtin, Steven Feierman, Leonard
Thompson, and Jan Vansina, African History From Earliest Times to Independence ( 2nd
ed.; London, 1995).
Chapters 6 ( Africa North of the Forest, 1500- 1880), 7 ( West African
Coast in the Era of the Slave Trade, and 8 ( Equatorial Africa before the nineteenth
century) cover the periods and places most relevant to colonial American historians. John
Iliffe, Africans: The
Africa from
History of A
l lth
the
to
mid 17th
Continent( Cambridge,
centuries),
Eng.,
1995), chapters 5 ( Western
and 7 ( West Africa in the era of the slave
trade) provides a more thematic approach. This is not the first text one might wish to
read, but it provides a helpful supplement to Curtin, et. al. J. F. A. Ajayi and Michael
Crowder,
eds.,
History of West
Africa( 2
vols.,
3rd ed.; London,
1985), vol. 1, is also
useful. Elizabeth Isichei, an African scholar who has pioneered in the history of the Ibo
people of south eastern Nigeria, in A History ofAfrican Societies to 1870( Cambridge,
Eng.,
1997),
chapters 13, 14, 16, 18, and 19, explores the history of West Africa in the
same period from the perspective of ordinary African peoples. The more formidable,
heavily illustrated, UNESCO General History ofAfrica, Volume V, Africa from the
Sixteenth
to the
Eighteenth Century, B. A. Ogot, ed., (
Berkeley, Ca., 1992) is a collection
of essays by a number of scholars of Africa on broad themes in period history and on
developments in its various regions. These essays vary widely in their readability for non-
specialists. Readers with a greater than average tolerance for fine detail will find the
essays
on
trade (
diaspora( 4, 5),
19) of interest.
P
4
political, economic, and social developments ( 2, 3, 29), the African
and surveys of specific West African regions ( 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, and
1, 4),
�2
Contemporary traveler' s accounts give an idea of the kinds of information about
West Africa that 18th century Virginians might have read, or, more likely, heard about
from mariners and merchants. Selections from some as well as some period court cases
are reproduced in Elizabeth Dorman, ed., Documents Illustrative of the History of the
Slave
Trade to America( 4
vols.;
Washington,
D. C.,
1932- 35; reprint, New York, 1969).
A number of other travel accounts were published in volume 5 of Awnsham and John
Churchill, Collection of Voyages and Travels ( 6 vols.; London, 1732), available in Swem
Library Rare Books. Other traveler' s accounts are abstracted in Thomas Astley, comp., A
New General Collection of Voyages and Travels Consisting of the Most Esteemed
Relations Which Have Been Hitherto Published in Any Language ( 4 vols.; London, 174547;
reprint,
London, 1968) [
The reprint edition is not yet available in Williamsburg, but
can be ordered through interlibrary loan].
Among the more important individual published accounts in Williamsburg
libraries is Barbot on Guinea: The Writings ofJean Barbot on West Africa, 1678- 1712,
ed. P. E. H. Hair, Adam Jones, and Robin Law( London,
1992),
a heavily annotated edition
which identifies (and largely deletes) Barbot' s borrowings from other authors which
appear in the 1732 version of his works published in Churchill, Collection of Voyages.
See also William Bosman, A New and Accurate Description ofthe Coast of Guinea
1704;
reprint,
London,
1695, 1696, and 1697
1967);
on
Sieur Froger, A Relation ofa Voyage Made in the Years
ofAfrica ( London, 1698; microform in Swern), and
Coasts
the
F. Hutchinson, " A Seventeenth
William
Century
Slaver'
s
Diary,"
Elder Dempster
4 ( 1935): 60- 62, 141- 43; 5 ( 1936): 32- 34 ( copy in CW
Library). Additional
contemporary accounts are listed in J. D. Fage, A Guide to Original Sources For
Magazine
Precolonial Western Africa Published in European Languages ( Madison, Wis., 1987)
Narratives written by enslaved Africans, including Job ben Solomon and Olaudah
Equiano, are conveniently reproduced in Philip D. Curtin, Africa Remembered.
Narratives
by
West Africans
from
the Era
of the
Slave
Trade ( Madison, Wis.,
1968).
It is the interconnections between Africa and the Americas and the possible extent
of direct Africans carry- overs or syncretisms ( combinations of differing customs, beliefs,
or cultural forms) that is of most interest to Americans. John Thornton, Africa and
Africans
in the
Making of the
Atlantic
World( Cambridge,
Eng.,
1992),
was the first
major historical work to address " the creation of African America from the perspective of
African society" [ quotation from Ira Berlin, review in William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd
ser.,
51 (
1994): 544- 47].
The second
edition(
Cambridge,
Eng.,
1998) replicates the
original text and goes on to include a short chapter on the eighteenth century. Initially
judged " controversial" and" contentious" by mainstream American historians, many of
Thornton' s major points have subsequently become widely accepted among most
scholars. However, Thornton' s contention that in most of the Americas, slaves came
from only a few national groupings and thought of themselves as part of communities
that had distinct ethnic or national roots remains contested.
The best summary of the
arguments against slaves forming identifiable communities based on specific ethnic pasts
is
Philip
D. Morgan, " The Cultural Implications
of
the
Atlantic Slave Trade: African
�3
Regional Origins, American Destinations and New World Developments,"
in David Eltis
and David Richardson, eds., Routes to Slavery: Direction, Ethnicity and Mortality in the
Atlantic Slave Trade ( London, 1997), pp. 122- 45.
This is one academic
dispute of which
everyone at CWF needs to be aware. Both sides make powerful arguments for their
respective positions, but evidence in support of one position or the other is just beginning
to be explored. This is almost certainly going to be one of the main areas of research in
the first decade or more of the new century, and many museum visitors are likely to
arrive with decided opinions about one or the other interpretations. This is just the sort of
material that shows up frequently in articles in The Washington Post, often with little
context and sometimes accompanied by overstated generalizations. There will be a
continuing need to provide that missing context.
To answer some of these anticipated questions, interpreters should optimally be
prepared, not just with some general knowledge of period West African history, but also
with more detailed information about the specific societies from which most enslaved
peoples transported to the Chesapeake came. Recent work on the trans-Atlantic slave
trade demonstrates that different North American colonies received quite different mixes
of African peoples. The most recent, concise summary of rates of importation and
geographic origins of forced migrants to the mainland colonies is Michael A. Gomez,
Exchanging Our Country Marks: The Transformation ofAfrican Identities in the
Colonial and Antebellum
South ( Chapel Hill, N.C., 1998),
chapter 2. Chapter 7 provides
an overview of possible cultural transmissions and transformations.
The different forced migration patterns and different mixes of peoples in colonial
Virginia and South Carolina overall is described in Philip D. Morgan, Slave
Counterpoint: Black Culture in
the
Eighteenth-
Century
Chesapeake &
Lowcountry
Chapel Hill, N. C., 1998), pp. 58- 101.
In` Ethnicity Among Africans in North America"
presented at" Transatlantic Slaving and the African Diaspora: Using the W. E. D. Du
Bois Institute Dataset of Slaving Voyages" conference in September 1998) and" New
Findings About the Virginia Slave Trade" ( forthcoming in the Summer 1999 issue of the
Colonial Williamsburg Interpreter), Lorena S. Walsh analyzes Virginia district naval
office records and demonstrates that markedly different mixes of forced African migrants
came initially into the various subregions of Virginia in the eighteenth century.
The full implications
of this new information
on unexpected
concentrations
of
African peoples from different parts of West and West Central Africa remain to be
explored. At this point what the new information does provide is a much better
understanding of the specific parts of Africa from which most forced African migrants to
Virginia came. Chesapeake historians have long known that the backgrounds of most
European settlers in the region are to be found in the British Isles and, for the Shenandoah
Valley, in the collection of small states that later became Germany. Now Virginia
historians can as confidently prioritize Senegambia, present day southeastern Nigeria, and
the West Central regions of Kongo and Angola as the places from which the majority of
forced African migrants to Virginia came, and thus the areas on which to concentrate.
Senegambia and Kongo/ Angola
were
major
sending
areas
in the 17th century, and
�4
significant numbers of peoples from these regions also arrived in various parts of Virginia
later in the 1700s. Peoples from southeastern Nigeria( the Bite of Biafra) were especially
prominent on Virginia' s lower peninsula and central piedmont.
For Senegambia, Philip D. Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial Africa:
Senegambia in
the Era
of the Slave Trade ( 2 vols; Madison, Wis., 1975) remains
comprehensive study. Also useful are George Brooks, Landlords and Strangers•
Ecology, Society, and Trade in Western Africa, 1000- 1650( Boulder, Co., 1993);
the most
James
Searing, West African Slavery and Atlantic Commerce: The Senegal River Valley, 17001860( Cambridge,
1993);
and Boubacar Barry, Senegambia and the Atlantic Slave Trade
Pt ed. Paris, 1988; English
translation,
Cambridge,
Eng.,
1998),
chapters
1- 8.
Books
that address the Senegambian backgrounds of Africans brought to parts of North America
include Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, Africans in Colonial Louisiana: The Development of
Afro- Creole Culture in
the
Eighteenth
Century(
Baton Rouge, La., 1992),
chapter 2;
Lorena S. Walsh, From Calabar to Carter' s Grove: The History of a Virginia Slave
Community( Charlottesville, Va., 1997), pp. 55- 66; and Gomez, Exchanging Our Country
Marks,
3.
chapter
Interesting case studies of specific states in Senegambia include
Michael Gomez, Pragmatism in the Age ofJihad: The Precolonial State ofBundu
Cambridge,
1991);
London, 1997);
Donald R. Wright, The World and a Very Small Place in Africa
and Adrian Adams, A Claim to Land by the River: A Household in
Senegal, 1720- 1994 ( Oxford, 1996).
For
the
Ibo ( or Igbo) of
southeastern
Nigeria, Douglas Brent Chambers, "` He
Gwine Sing He Country: Africans, Afro- Virginians, and the Development of Slave
Culture in Virginia, 1690- 1810" (
Ph. D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1996),
especially chapter 2, provides a masterful synthesis of Ibo history and culture. Briefer
summaries appear in Walsh, From Calabar to Carter' s Grove, pp. 66- 80, and in Gomez,
Exchanging Our Country Marks, chapter 6 ( Ibo and Kongo/Angola).
For West Central Africa from an anthropologist' s perspective see Georges
Balandieri, Daily Life in the Kingdom ofthe Kongo: Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries
New York, 1968).
Recent histories include John Thornton, The Kingdom of Kongo:
Civil War and Transition, 1641- 1718 ( Madison, Wis., 1983); Anne Hilton, The Kingdom
of Kongo ( Oxford, 1985); David Birmingham, Trade and Conquest in Angola: The
Mbundu and Their Neighbors under the Influence of the Portuguese, 1483- 1790 ( Oxford,
1966); Joseph C. Miller, Kings and Kinsmen: Early Mbundu States in Angola ( Oxford,
1976); and Miller, Way of Death: Merchant Capitalism and the Angolan Slave Trade,
1730- 1830( Madison, Wis., 1986), chapters 1- 11.
The most comprehensive survey of the impact of both the American and transSaharan slave trades on different African societies is Patrick Manning, Slavery and
African Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African Slavery( Cambridge, Eng., 1990).
�5
Philip Hamilton examines how and why the Tucker family came to effectively repudiate
emancipation after the turn of the nineteenth century in" Revolutionary Principles and
Family Loyalties: Slavery' s Transformation in the St. George Tucker Household of Early
National Virginia," William and
Mary Quarterly,
LV ( 1998): 531- 556.
In this setting, St. George Tucker' s human property presented him with an
unresolved
dilemma.
The sale of slaves through William Haxall in 1796- 1797
demonstrates that Tucker still regarded African Americans as key to his family' s financial
health. Because so much of their capital was human, he had to make the most effective
use of this " property" as possible. Love for and loyalty to his children demanded no less.
As a member of the economic elite, Tucker also understood that slaves equaled prosperity
and status. To deprive the next generation of such assets through manumission might
its future rank and power—
something he, a devoted father, could not do.
Even so, Tucker' s allegiance to the natural rights ideology of the American Revolution
undermine
remained undiminished.
Despite the inherent contradiction
in liberal thought, Tucker
maintained the dual notion that blacks, by nature, deserved freedom and that all property
rights were intrinsically sacred. The Dissertation on Slavery should be viewed primarily
as an attempt to reconcile these two dimensions of Lockean thought. The proposal
permitted Tucker, perhaps unconsciously, to walk a middle line between his
responsibilities as a father and his convictions as an American Revolutionary. If adopted
according to his extended timeline, both loyalties could be served: his family' s human
property would be protected well into the next generation while Virginia would fulfill its
Revolutionary promise.
Following the General Assembly' s rejection of his plan, attitudes about slavery
began to shift both in the Tucker family and among the state' s white population. After
Tucker'
and
s
even
Dissertation
on
the tentative
moves
Slavery
was
toward
tabled, " it was almost as if a line had been crossed
reform
ended."
Proponents of slavery' s
continuation began to win the debate, because white Virginians in general reconciled
themselves to the institution' s permanence. The reasons behind this shift are several:
first, from the Revolution' s conclusion to 1810, slaveowners saw the number of African
Americans throughout the Tidewater nearly double. Although such growth undoubtedly
added to estate valuations, it also fueled fears that one day whites would become a
distinct minority in the state. If that occurred, many concluded, discipline could be
maintained and insurrections avoided only through the creation of a garrison state. Amid
this demographic explosion, Tucker' s apprehensions mounted. During the Quasi- War of
1798, Tucker feared that France was preparing to land" an Army of Negroes, from St.
D[ omingue]" led by " military Officers of the same Complexion" somewhere along
America' s southern coast. If this occurred, he bleakly predicted, it would likely " produce
a
general Insurrection of Slaves," resulting in" the separation of the [ United] States, and
perhaps in the Subjugation of the Southern part of the Union."
Two years later, Tucker and other Virginia planters discovered the slave Gabriel' s
massive conspiracy to overthrow the institution. The passionate expressions of slaves
captured and heading for the gibbet revealed with exceptional force that African
Americans had imbibed the Revolution' s ideology and were keenly aware of the
411
�6
injustices perpetrated against them. John Randolph, Jr., St. George Tucker' s youngest
stepson, attended some of the interrogations and was aghast. The slaves, he wrote,
exhibited a spirit, which, if it becomes general, must deluge the Southern country in
blood. They manifested a sense of their rights, and contempt of danger, and a thirst for
revenge which portend the most unhappy consequences."
Thus, by 1800, the Tuckers and other members of the elite believed that Virginia
and their place in it were imperiled. Despite the previous decade' s improvement, the
Tidewater economy remained largely stagnant. Virginia' s agrarian way of life and
republican government seemed under assault from corrupt politicians to the north and
lowborn social climbers from within. Worst of all, the state' s slaves were increasingly
numerous, ill disciplined, and rebellious. Amid such potential chaos, many concluded
that emancipation, or even its open discussion, would only cause further dislocation.
Around the turn of the century, therefore, the Tucker family made its peace with slavery.
Even as members continued vaguely to hope for emancipation, they resigned themselves
to its permanence. By 1803, St. George had come to label his Dissertation on Slavery a
Utopian ideal" and to confess that he was" without any sanguine hope, that it will
receive
countenance."
Domestication and sentimentalism began to spread soon after most Virginians
retreated from reform. When the Tuckers started to consider their property rights and
labor efficiency, they had to explain ( to themselves and to the outside world) why natural
rights and freedom no longer applied to African Americans. They tried to do it in a way
that would allow them to escape the obvious charge of hypocrisy. In short, the Tuckers
sought rationalizations to justify chattel slavery. Like many southern planters unwilling
to sacrifice their interests, the Tuckers redefined blacks downward on the scale of
humanity, portraying them as beings inherently unfit for freedom. They came to consider
African Americans inferior souls who needed white benevolence to survive.
And, as
white benevolence became a key component of slavery, the institution was
sentimentalized
and domesticated—
further justifying its continuation.
In the home,
slaves ( especially favored household servants) could be treated better in hopes of making
them more submissive and obedient. At the same time, white owners could congratulate
themselves on their increased compassion for the poor helpless creatures.
The Tuckers' efforts to come to terms with slavery from the Revolution to the
Missouri crisis reveal a great deal about early national Virginia. Their story explains how
one influential family ( and probably others) struggled with the profound tensions and
contradictions in the nation' s founding ideology.
understood
that
slavery and natural
rights
could
Like many Virginians, the Tuckers
not coexist
for any length of
time.
�7
Adjustments had to be made. Once reform had failed, definitions of freedom and liberty
needed to be narrowed, especially to protect family interests in difficult economic times.
The family' s experiences also illustrate the pervasiveness of slavery. The institution
touched all aspects of the Tuckers' lives, from politics to social status to economics to
family concerns. The interplay of slavery with these issues created powerful pressures
not only to accept the institution but also to sentimentalize and domesticate it. Moreover,
for bondage to make sense in a land of liberty, family members had to dehumanize
African Americans and
redefine
them
as
lesser humans—
as children—
who could never
cope in this rapidly changing and bewildering republican society. Finally, this
transformation in the Tucker family points to how and why early nineteenth- century
southerners discarded the nation' s founding principles in favor of a profound
conservatism that sought to advance both slavery and agrarian interests. Indeed, the
Tuckers' actions and beliefs reveal that the true dynamics of slavery, disunion, and civil
war
were
rooted, not in South Carolinian"
reaction,"
but rather in Jeffersonian
liberalism."
Source:
Hamilton, "
Transformation
Revolutionary
in the St. George
Principles
Tucker
and
Family Loyalties: Slavery' s
Early National Virginia," pp. 540-
Household of
542, 543, 545, 556.
Wayne llawkins—"
Local slave was a patriot to be honored"
James Armistead of New Kent County was a slave who helped free America from
its British masters. After the Revolutionary War, Armistead gained his freedom.
Now a descendant is on a mission to win wider recognition for the hero and
patriot.
Armistead' s master was the commissary feeding American and French soldiers.
Armistead served meals to the soldiers camped in Hampton Roads.
He offered to do much more. Armistead volunteered to spy on the British in
exchange for his freedom.
Gen. Marquis de Lafayette needed information on the British fleet docking in
Norfolk. Armistead, a tall black man in his early 30s, assured Lafayette that he could get
the information.
The British, Armistead said, will think he is merely an escaped slave
and pay no attention to his movements.
I can row my boat back and forth over Hampton Roads at night, and no one will
see
me,"
he said.
Armistead did. He counted ships, sailors and guns and briefed the revolutionists.
In the meantime, Armistead' s movements did catch the eye of the British.
They were impressed with his knowledge of the area.
They
asked him
to spy on the
Americans.
�8
Armistead agreed. But his acceptance was a trick. He gave British Gen. Charles
Cornwallis and his ground forces misleading information that got them trapped by Gen.
George Washington and Lafayette' s forces at Yorktown.
Armistead' s intelligence allowed the French Navy to cut off British ships. That
prevented a clean getaway for Cornwallis. The British surrendered.
Nearly five years after Yorktown and a year before the U. S. Constitution was
written, Armistead was declared a free man in 1786 by a special act of the Virginia
Legislature.
He adopted the surname Lafayette in honor of the French General who
recommended his freedom. James Armistead Lafayette ( 1748- 1832) lived out his days in
New Kent with his wife and son.
Since 1994, Virginius Bray Thornton III, the great- great- great- great grandson of .
Armistead and a West Point native, has been writing hundreds of letters encouraging
people to endorse a commemorative U. S. Postage Stamp honoring James Armistead
Lafayette, the former slave, spy, patriot.
Thornton is urging supporters to write to the Citizens Stamp Advisory Committee,
475 L' Enfant Plaza SW, Room 4474E, Washington, D. C., 20260- 6347. The committee
recommends who goes on commemorative stamps. Thornton said it often takes about
three to four years to get a stamp approved.
Thornton, 63, is a history professor at Massachusetts Bay Community College.
He said his grandfather told stories about James Armistead, but it took an August 1994
article in Military History magazine titled " Slave turned double agent James Armistead
Lafayette risked his life for America'
s
freedom— and eventually his
own,"
that convinced
him to act.
Recognizing Armistead as a national historic figure, Thornton said, was long
overdue. "
No one
Thornton
was
saying, `
Let' s do something.'"
says he has sent about 2, 000 letters to civic and academic
leaders.
He
has received about 200 responses so far. They include encouragement from Bill Bradley,
Pat Schroeder, the governors of Maryland, New York, Arkansas and Alabama, the
University of Virginia and University of Florida and historian John Hope Franklin, who
called the Armistead story " a well- documented and accepted event by historians."
Meanwhile, New Kent is preparing to erect a lasting memorial to James
Armistead Lafayette. And, of course, Lafayette High School in Williamsburg was named
in honor of both Lafayettes.
John Crump, a member of the New Kent Historical Society, said last fall that a
historical marker was created. Residents are ready to plant it in a spot on Courthouse
Circle in New Kent Courthouse. They are waiting for the county to finish paving the
sidewalks at the site.
The historical society is to meet on 2 p. m. April 18 and give an update on the
project.
Daily Press, Sunday, April 11, 1999. See p. 484 in the " Enslaving Virginia"
Resource Book for the letter that Lafayette wrote to assist James Armistead in his quest to
gain his freedom and Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large, vol. 12, pp. 380- 381 for the
Source:
October 1786 legislation entitled " An act to emancipate James, a negro slave, the
property of William Armistead, gentleman."
1111
�
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The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
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Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
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Title
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The Network : an Enslaving Virginia Publication. April 22, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-04-22
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Text
s--
The Network
March 18, 1999
The second issue of" The Network"
includes information
about the number of free blacks
in the Williamsburg area in the 1770s and the 1780s, Williamsburg slaves who were
emancipated
between 1723 and 1782, births/ baptisms of free black children in the Bruton
Parish Register, the binding out of mulatto children by the parish vestry, slave surnames
and possible connections to free blacks, and a free black musician hired to play at the
balls given by Lord Botetourt.
The Number of Free Blacks in the Williamsburg Area in the 1770s and 1780s
It is difficult to determine the number of free black men, women, and children
who lived in Williamsburg and the surrounding rural area before the American
Revolution because only one census of Williamsburg survives ( 1775) and this document
does
not
indicate
whether
blacks
were
free
or
In 1775, a total of 986 blacks
enslaved.'
Williamsburg ( 52% of the town' s population).
lived in
Blacks
Whites
505
Males
Tithes
327
Under 16
178
469
Males
Females
389 •
Total
894
Tithes
263
Under 16
206
Females
517
986
Kevin Kelly' s directory of the heads of Williamsburg' s households in 1775 includes six
free blacks:
Adam Waterford(
shoemaker),
Edith Cumbo ( worked for William Trebell in 1764), Joseph Cooper, and
a cooper),
Nanny
Jones (
a
laundress),
John Rawlinson ( a
Betty Wallace.
The 1782 Williamsburg Census noted that there were 722 whites and 702 blacks
in 182 households in the city. An additional fifty-one individuals were lot owners. The
census included the designation of" free" after the names of four women who headed
households, an indication that they were free women of color:
Name
Whites
Blacks
Lots
Sally Carter free
Nanny Jones free
0
1
0
0
3
0
Elizabeth Derozario
Betty
The 1775
111
Hunter.
Williamsburg
free
Wallace free
Census is contained
0
3
0
0
4
0
in The Virginia Almanack. . .
1776, printed by Dixon and
�t
2
Nanny Jones, Elizabeth Derozario, and Betty Wallace had other free people of color who
lived with
the
entire
them.
A total of
population
households in
town).
of
free blacks ( 1. 6% of the black population and . 8% of
Williamsburg) lived in these four households ( 2. 2% of the
eleven
The census also noted that Adam Waterford owned one lot in
Williamsburg and that William Cole paid the tax on one lot held by the estate of his
father- in- law, John Rawlinson. Neither Waterford nor Cole were described as being free
men of color on this census.
There was at least one woman, known from other sources to be a free black, who
was not designated by either race or status on the census. She was Edith Cumbo who
appeared on the census as the head of a household with two whites. 2 It is possible that
four other females on the list were also free women of color:
Name
Blue
Betty
Polly Cary
Sucky Chambers
Peggy Sweat
Whites
Blacks
Lots
5
4
0
1
0
0
4
0
0
4
0
0
If all of the individuals in these five households were free people of color, the count of
free blacks in
Williamsburg
population, 2. 2% of the
in 1782 would have been thirty- one ( 4. 4% of the black
population of Williamsburg; and 4. 9% of the households).
entire
There is no additional information about Edith Cumbo, Betty Blue, Polly Cary, Sucky
Chambers, or Peggy Sweat in the York County Court records. It is possible that the four
females rented lots on the James City County side of Williamsburg. Unfortunately, they
did not appear on the 1783, 1784, or 1786 Williamsburg Personal Property Tax Lists.
There was a small free black population in the city limits of Williamsburg.
However, a number of free people of color lived along the road to Queen' s Creek and
along the creek itself. Runaway advertisements indicate that free blacks lived near
Queen' s Creek. In November 1771, David Ross informed readers of the Virginia Gazette
that sixteen- year old Jemima" was brought up in Williamsburg, and has Relations upon
Queen' s Creek, it is probable that she may be harboured thereabouts." Two years later,
John Armistead of Mecklenburg County and Lockey Collier both believed that their
runaway slaves— James and Len, respectively— might be hiding in Yorktown or
Williamsburg, or at Queen' s Creek. In October 1775, Samuel Portlock, the jailer of
Norfolk County, announced that one of his prisoners was a man named William Parrott
who claimed he was a free man. Parrott also told Portlock that he was born about a mile
from Williamsburg. In 1777, John Seawell of Gloucester County, the owner of a
2 It was common for a free black man' s tithe to be recorded in the" white" column instead of the" black" or
negro" column of personal property tax lists recorded before 1820. In these instances," white" indicated
one' s status as a
free man and"
black"
or"
negro"
indicated
one'
s status
as
an
enslaved
man.
�3
runaway slave named Jacob, noted that it was" more than probable that he may be lurking
about Queen' s Creek, being much acquainted with the free mulattoes in that
neighbourhood,
and perhaps
change
his dress and
endeavour
to
pass for
a
freeman."'
It is
probable that John Custis purchased land near Queen' s Creek for" his boy Jack" because
of the location of the property. It is known that seven of the eight lots that John
Rawlinson owned at the time of his death were at Capitol Landing on Queen' s Creek. 4
The 1784 York County Personal Property Tax List and the 1784 James City
County Personal Property Tax List include the names of free men and women of color
see Table 1 and Table 2).
Nine of the forty- five free blacks in York County owned a
slave and one of the nine free blacks in James City County had an enslaved laborer in
1784. Two free black
residents
of
Williamsburg
were
slave
owners—
Lydia Cooper and
John Rawlinson.
Williamsburg Slaves Who Were Emancipated Between 1723 and 1782
Five Williamsburg slaves were freed by the Governor and the Council between
1723 and 1782. On April 18, 1744, John Custis petitioned to free" his Negro Boy Slave
Christened John but commonly called Jack born of the body of his Negro Wench Young
Five years later, in July 1749, Governor Gooch secured freedom for one of his
Alice."
slaves, a man named Captain Jack, before he returned to England. Matthew Ashby
gained the freedom of his wife Ann and their children John and Mary in November 1769.5
Births and Baptisms of Free Black Children in the Bruton Parish Register
The parents of seventy- four free black children had the birth/ baptism of their sons
and daughters recorded in the Bruton Parish Register between 1744 and 1790. Forty- two
of the seventy- four free black children had the names of both free parents of color listed
3 Virginia Gazette, Purdie and Dixon, eds., 14 November 1771, 1 July 1773, and 12 August 1773; ibid.,
Purdie, ed., 13 October
1775 and 7 November
1777.
4 Penuel Penny purchased the lots at the sale of Rawlinson' s estate in 1780. See York County Wills and
Inventories( 23) 113- 114, recorded 16 May 1786; York County Deeds( 6) 176- 177, dated 25 March 1783
and recorded 15 September 1783.
5
of the Council of Colonial Virginia, 6 vols.,( Richmond:
Virginia State Library, 1927- 1966) 5: 141, 298; 6: 334- 335. See also pp. 209( John Custis and Jack), 603605 ( Matthew Ashby) in the Enslaving Virginia Resource Book.
H. R. Mcllwaine,
et al., eds., Executive
Journals
It appears that Custis did not claim that Jack had provided meritorious service. In 1752, after the death of
Custis and Jack, the York County justices of the peace noted that they found" no meritorious service of the
sd John
otherwise
Judgments
Jack
and Orders(
was ever
suggested
2) 26- 27, 18
May
or made
1752.
to appear to the governor
and council."
York County
�4
in the parish register. It is possible that the twenty-one children who had only the name
of their mother listed in the Bruton register were born to a free mother and an enslaved
father( see Table 3).
Binding Out of Mulatto Children by the Parish Vestry
The clerk of a parish vestry recorded the indenture of a mulatto child bound out
by a parish vestry. Unfortunately, the vestry records for Bruton Parish do not survive.
The two indentures that follow involve free mulattoes who lived in New Kent County.
This Indenture Made this Twenty Eight Day of July in the Year of our
Lord Christ One thousand Seven hundred
Eight Between Wm. Basset
Thirty&
Jno Richardson of ye Parish of Blessland in ye County of New Kent
Gent: &
Churchwardens
on
the
one
part&
Wm.
Hockaday
of the Parrish&
County
aforeSd. on the other part Witnesseth that the aforeSd Churchwardens doth Bind
unto
the Said Wm.
Hockaday
his heires Exrs. &
Adminrs. three Mulato Bastard
Lucrecia Macklin, ye Children of Margett
with him or them to Serve after the manner of Such Servants From ye
Children, Named Thos. Winnefrit&
Macklin, &
day of the
during all
date hereof, For&
which
term
during ye full term of time as the Law directs,
ye Said Servts. their Said Master his heirs&
c Faithfully
shall Serve, his or their Lawfull Commands every where gladly do. They shall do
no damage to their Said Master nor see it done by others without letting or giving
Notice thereof to their Said Master, But in all
shall &
things
as
faithfull &
will behave themselves to their Said Master his heirs &
honest Servants
c during the Said
term of time as the Law directs. And the Sd. Wm Hockaday his heirs Exrs. &
Admrs. & c is to find& allow unto his Said Servants a Sufficien[] quantity of diet
Cloathing & Lodging with all necessaries fitting for such Servants during the Said
term In Witness whereunto the Parties to this Indenture have set their hands &
Seals the
day&
date firs []
Sign' d Seal' d&
In the Presence of
Francis
above written
Deliver' d
W Bassett
us
John Richardson
Cook
Benja Richardson
William Hockaday
Fras Ratcliffe
William Hogg
THIS INDENTURE
WITNESSETH
That Thruston James and Burwell
Bassett Gent. Churchwardens of the Parish of Blisland in the County of New Kent
have put and placed a Mulatto Boy named Billey about twelve months old ( Son of
Winney Macklin a Mulatto Servant of James Pride Esqr and born during the time
of her servitude) in the said Parish, Apprentice and Servant to the said James
Pride of the Town and
County
of York Esqr with him his Executors,
�5
Administrators and Assigns to dwell and serve untill the said Billey shall attain
the Age of thirty one Years according to the Act of Assembly in that case made &
provided( being the time his said Mother was by Law obliged to serve) during all
which time the said Billey his said Master and his Assigns shall faithfully serve in
all Lawful business according to his power and ability, and honestly orderly &
obediently in all things demean and behave himself towards his said Master and
his Assigns during the time aforesaid. And the said James Pride doth covenant
and grant for himself his Executors Administrators &
Assigns to and with the said
Churchwardens and their successors for the time being and every of them by these
presents, that he shall and will during all the said term aforesaid find provide and
allow the said Billey sufficient meat, drink, apparel and all other things necessary
fitting a Servant of his condition so that he shall not be any ways a charge or
chargeable to the said Parish or the Parishioners of the same, but of and from all
charges concerning him shall and will save the said Parish and Parishioners
harmelss and indemnified during the said term shall and will pay and allow the
said Billey his freedom dues according to Law IN WITNESS whereof the parties
to these presents have hereunto interchangeably set their Hands and affixed their
Seals this 11 Augt day of 1759
Burl Bassett
Thruston James
James Pride6
Several members of the Macklin family also lived in Bruton Parish( see Table 3).
Slave Surnames
and Possible Connections
to Free Blacks
Recent research on nineteenth-century Virginia indicates that the majority of
slaves did have surnames, usually different than those of their masters and that most
masters chose not to use these surnames. The conventions of the slaveholding culture
influenced masters to hide the surnames of their slaves. John T. Kneebone, Director of
Publications and Educational Services at the Library of Virginia, included information
about slave surnames in a recent posting to the Virginia History discussion list on the
interne:
The minute books of the First African Baptist Church, Richmond,
contain thousands
of names of slaves who were baptised, had their church
membership transferred, or required discipline for transgressions.
their masters are also given.
80%—
1841- 1860,
The
vast
majority of
slave
surnames—
The names of
upwards of
differ from those of the master. Only a tiny fraction of the slaves listed in
the church minute books have only a given name.
6 C. G. Chamberlayne, ed., The Vestry Book and Register ofSt. Peter' s Parish New Kent and James City
Counties,
Virginia 1684- 1786,(
Richmond:
Division of Purchase
and
Printing,
1937), pp. 678- 681.
�6
The Library of Virginia is preparing to publish a biography of Henry ' Box'
Brown( see the Spring 1999 issue of Virginia Cavalcade for his escape from
Richmond in
a
box).
Henry Brown was born at the Louisa County plantation of
John Barret, and went to William Barret, a son and Richmond
tobacco
manufacturer, by inheritance. He married a slave woman named Nancy, who
appears in the First African Baptist Church minutes as Nancy Brown, identified
also as the slave of Mr. Cottrell, a detail confirmed in Brown' s 1851 Narrative.
Thus, it appears that when slaves married, women could take the surname of their
husband and be known by that name.
But, if whites did know the full names of their slaves, conventions prevented them
from identifying them that way. I have compared the accounts of fugitive slaves
from Virginia given in William Still' s Underground Railroad with reports and
advertisements in the newspapers. More often than not, Still identifies the
fugitives with both given names and surnames, while the advertisements placed
by the fugitives' masters identify them by given name only.
In Charles Dew' s excellent book, Bond ofIron: Master and Slave at Buffalo
Forge, there is the story of a slave, a master ironworker, whose name in the
records over the years goes from just the given name to a full name, with identity
through the surname for his family, too. Dew rightly sees this as evidence of
assertion, of a successful claim to personality, and even a political act.
On the other hand, the denial of full names in the records and the newspapers
seems to me to fit the sociologist Orlando Patterson' s explanation of slavery as
social death.""
The Bruton Parish Birth and Baptism Register contains the names of fifty- three slaves
who
were
listed with
surnames (
see
Table 4).
Several of the slaves had surnames that
found in the free black community in the Williamsburg
Jones, Lewis, Poe, Wallace, and Roberts ( see Table 3). It is
were
area—
Jasper, Williams,
possible that these enslaved
boys and girls had a free black father and that their master allowed their enslaved mother
to name them. The surnames of other baptised slaves might be the surname that an
enslaved father shared with his wife and children.
Free Black Musician Hired to Play at Balls Given by Lord Botetourt
published in 1856), noted that
one of the musicians who played at balls given by Lord Botetourt was a black man.
Samuel Mordecai'
s
Richmond in
By
Gone Days(
John Kneeebone, posting to recipients of the Virginia History List, 13 February 1999.
r
�The most prominent member of the black aristocracy of my early years
Gilliat, ( probably Simon, or Cyrus)
the word,) at the balls and dancing parties.
was
Sy.
the leading violinist( fiddler was then
He traced his claim to position to the
days of vice-royalty, having held office under Lord Botetourt when governor, but
whether behind his chair or his coach, is in the mist of obscurity.
Sy. Gilliat flourished in Richmond in the first decade of this century, and I
know not how many of the last. He was tall, and even in his old age( if he ever
grew old,) erect and dignified. When he appeared officially in the orchestra, his
dress
was
an
silk coat and vest of faded lilac, small
embroidered
clothes, (
he
would not say breeches,) and silk stockings, which rather betrayed the African
prominence of the shin-bone, terminating in shoes fastened or decorated with
large buckles.
This court- dress was coeval with the reign of Lord Botetourt, and
probably part of the fifty suits which, ( according to the inventory he left)
constituted his wardrobe; to complete this court costume, Sy. wore a brown wig
with side curls and a long queue appended. His manners were as courtly as his
dress, and he elbowed himself and his fiddle- stick through the world with great
propriety and harmony.
Belonging to the vice- regal family, Sy. belonged of course to the Church
of England; this
was
one
qualification for
the office
of
sexton, (
not grave- digger,)
and his residence being very near the church in Richmond, was an inducement for
the wardens to confer on him the appointment; although strict constructionists
might have considered, like Ephraim Smooth, that he was " a man of sin, rubbing
the
hair of the horse against
the
bowels of
the cat;"
he filled the office for some
time, but was impelled to resign it in a fit of unrighteous indignation, excited by
hearing that he was suspected of partaking of the wine without the other
ceremonies of the sacrament.
His declaration, that he had drunk Lord Botetourt' s
best wine long before his accusers knew the difference between Malaga and
Malmsey, whilst it vindicated Sy.' s connoisseurship, did not obtain for him
absolution from the charge, and he left the service of the church highly indignant.
Sy. could not have many associates without compromising his dignity, for
there were few of the old aristocracy remaining; but in addition to those few, he
permitted the intimacy of some of the leading stewards, coachmen, and head
cooks of the best families.
His contemporary, Bob Cooley, had also served the nobility at
Williamsburg, and when that city lost its pre- eminence, Bob was fain to follow a
republican governor to Richmond, where for many years he was intrusted with the
keys of the capitol, and flourished his besom over its floor and furniture. His
court- dress was a time- honored suit of black velvet, ample in skirts and flaps.
If Sy. was the Chesterfield, Bob might be called the Burleigh of his day.
Sy. acquired his courtly and elegant demeanor by frequenting balls and parties,
and Bob his solemn deportment by attending in council chambers and courts of
justice. By dusting the judge' s cushion he seemed to have acquired the solemn
aspect of the dignitary who sat on it. Bob did not, however, attach a handle to his
r
�8
to indicate the
dignity of office— but one was assumed by his successor,
who appended the initials K. K. C., indicating keeper of the keys of the capitol.$
name,
411
It is possible that the" Sy Gilliat" in Samuel Mordecai' s account was Simon Gillett, a
member of the free black Gillett family who lived in Bruton Parish in the eighteenth
century. Another member of the Gillett family, Reuben, worked at the Governor' s Palace
for thirteen days in 1770. Perhaps " Fiddler Billy" also played at the balls that Lord
Botetourt gave at the Palace. Fiddler Billy was one of the slaves whom Henry
Wetherburn owned when he died in 1760.
of the
estate
of Wetherburn'
s
In 1773 Benjamin Weldon, the administrator
heir( Edward Nicholson),
hired Fiddler Billy to William
Fearson, a dancing master in Williamsburg.
8 Samuel Mordecai, Richmond in By Gone Days,( Richmond, 1856), p. 357; see also, Mary N. Stanard,
Richmond, Its People and Its Story,( Philadelphia, 1923), p. 92.
r
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Dublin Core
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Title
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The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
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Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
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Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
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Title
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The Network. March 18, 1999
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Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
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An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
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1999-03-18
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https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/bbbf00ac02647edca07948844d57094c.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=PWZW8yfKEFt3g6m1ISJsJoXalQGLSk5DV9PCVasAdH12LyMlC7Y-rxl8Z4BDPUuDF5D1TJaG%7E8JiBsqC--dA7Sov8t75r%7EgMWRvGHR2pZNL9PTZxIFLVkCYugYUqJhAphN7NhB4iPWWq3L9Q%7ER3Je1BxiiNtxb2fzJv%7EkjVp25g9n1aKDc3c1yk5z4cTjrfTkTDn8aTMe450lgCjA6q7Z290PcG%7EnM9s5maUd5nwXjOACEFJV%7EdczNkymTmhIW4ydtOwM-5dgHoPdepUW8kC71Sq8KVsh1kn2ak91HUVbZiMCHdqpntvZK7GZUscovd5Nz24EqTrnJfCCujMu8ImdQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
459169e71304884c836b051ff3640527
PDF Text
Text
The Network
February
18, 1999
The first issue of" The Network" includes answers to a request for additional information about
Carter' s Grove, the" Emancipation Chronology" from Robert William Fogel and Stanley L.
Engerman,
Time
the
Cross:
The Economics ofAmerican Negro Slavery, and a summary of
the population of Virginia and the United States in 1790.
on
Carter' s Grove
Lorena S. Walsh compiled the following information about the mansion outbuildings at Carter' s
Grove and enslaved carpenters
and domestics
at Carter' s Grove
I. Mansion Outbuildings
My best summary of the available information is as follows.
1.
II/
Prior to the construction of the present mansion, Carter Burwell' s domestic and agricultural
complex was likely located on the ridge near the archaeology museum. CW archaeologists
found the remains of two earthfast barns there, and around the same time other archaeologists
identified
sites
of
a
possible
dwelling
house and the
remains
of " other domestic structures"
nearby. This site may include structures dating to Robert" King" Carter' s ownership of the
property.
The possible dwelling house has not been excavated, nor a thorough archaeological
survey for other structures in this area undertaken.
2. Carter Burwell' s first buildings. From late 1739 or early 1740 on, Burwell paid various
carpenters and brick masons for unspecified" work" on the property. This included burning
multiple
kilns of bricks and some" work done about a Dairy" in 1743. Any other buildings being
constructed before 1750 are not identified, but since they were brick it is reasonable to suppose
these included outbuildings around the mansion.
3.
1970- 72 excavations.
a. A frame building with a brick chimney at the corner of the entrance road, one of two
structures in this area identified on Desandrouin' s 1782 map. Occupants and
function have not been identified.
b.
c.
h
19th
century dairy, with paving that may date to the 18' century.
h
unidentified 18` century building partly under the driveway.
d. a well adjacent to the kitchen.
e. a possible icehouse. This pit is thought to have been dismantled when the house was•
built, and
this
date
seems
to me too early
for
an
icehouse.
�f. a well adjacent to the slave quarter was located but not excavated
A map in Ivor Noel Hume' s, Digging for Carter' s Grove, gives the location of these structures.
4. Outbuildings listed on the 1798 James City County Continental tax assessment near the
mansion:
a. kitchen 38 x 20
b. laundry 38 x 20
c. dairy 12 x 16
d.
smokehouse
12 x 12
e.
store 30 x 20 ( probably near the kitchen)
f. old store 20 x 20
g. quarter 24 x 20. This is possibly a new quarter post dating the present reconstructed
complex. Presumably of wood, its location is unknown.
Elsewhere on the property were another dwelling house, presumably of wood, and 5 outhouses.
This complex has not been located. It was likely occupied by a general manager or an overseer.
There were four additional " houses" somewhere on the Carter' s Grove tract; in the context of this
tax list, houses could include any sort of substantial structure. These are not described, and their
value is collapsed with the value of the land. No barns or stables were enumerated as being on
the two acres surrounding the house. For speculations about the location of other farm buildings
Helen Byrd, and Mary Simpson, " The Discovery of Burwell' s Mill, Carter' s
see Alan Simpson,
Grove Plantation," ( Williamsburg, Va.), pp. 66- 68, copy in CWF Library.
II. Enslaved Carpenters at Carter' s Grove
Bedding and clothing issues for 1740- 45 identify 5 men:
Old Dick 1742 and 1745
Boy Dick 1740
Jack 1743 and 1745
Sam 1742; he was also given some cash by Burwell in 1745
Sancho
1741,
1743,
1745
In 1745 and 1749 these carpenters built two tobacco houses for other planters. Sancho and Sam
at least almost certainly worked on the mansion. Sam, there in 1742 and 1745, was later hired
out by the day in 1764 and was present at least until the early 1780s. In 1752 Sancho worked for
31 days in Williamsburg carpenter John Wheatley' s shop. Wheatley made the sashes for the
house, so Sancho must have been doing some fine work.
Other slaves working on the house would have included Lot, a hired slave who came to Carter' s
Grove in 1744 and 1750 to make brick, and men owned or hired by Warwick County bricklayer
Peter Sandefer and Williamsburg contractor James Skelton.
1111
�I think it questionable that the Sumpter who turned the banisters was a slave. Carter Burwell
identified other workmen, including one who was part of Wheatley' s operation and probably
white, by only one name. The fact that a payment of over£ 3 was made directly to Sumpter
suggests that whoever he was, he was a free man.
III. Domestics
at Carter' s Grove
The fullest accounting of domestics at Carter' s Grove is for Carter Burwell' s period. Eighteen
people
are
identified
as
being "
about
the
house" between 1740 and 1745.
It is unlikely that all of
these were working full time as domestics. The list includes:
Females:
Molly
in the Kitchen
Nanny
at Merchant'
1740.
Possibly the Old Molly present in 1776.
Hundred in 1740 and about the house in 1744.
s
She was apparently
young then and was still having children in the 1760s.
at Merchant'
Betty
Hundred in 1740 and
s
about
the house
She was hired out to
in 1742.
Williamsburg Doctor George Pitt in 1764.
Judith
Merchant'
at
1751.
Juba
Hundred in 1741.
s
Hired out to Benjamin
at Merchant'
Sally
s
In the house in 1745.
Powell
Hundred in 1743.
Baptized as an adult in
1764- 69.
In the house in 1745. Probably the wife of
Juba.
Patt
Merchant'
at
s
Jenny
at Merchant'
Wade'
s
1750.
Hundred in 1743.
s
Hundred in 1743.
In the house 1745.
About the house in 1744.
Baptized as an adult
Likely present later, but there are too many Jennys to make a link.
at the house in 1745.
Likely hired or purchased from someone named
Hannah
Wade. Possibly the same woman hired out to Jane Moody in 1764- 65 and to
Gabriel Maupin in 1767- 70.
Little
Little
Mary
Betty
at the
house in 1745.
at the
house in 1745.
Probably a young girl.
Probably a young girl.
Males:
Turnus
at
Merchant'
Hundred in 1740, 42, and 43.
s
About the house in 1744.
Cambridge at Merchant' s Hundred in 1740 and 1742.
Tom at Merchant' s Hundred in 1740.
About the house in 1744.
About the house in 1744.
Present through at least
1749.
Cyrus
at
Merchant'
Juba at Merchant'
Robin
at
Merchant'
Richmond
Boy
Tom
s
s
Hundred in 1741.
Hundred
s
Hundred in 1742.
at Merchant'
at
in 1741.
Merchant'
s
s
In the house in 1743 and 45.
In the house 1745.
In the house 1744.
Hundred in 1743.
Hundred in 1743.
In the house 1745.
About the house 1744.
I suspect many of these were part of the Gloucester group from Fairfield that Carter Burwell
inherited from his father. Some were likely born in Virginia. However Cambridge, Cyrus, and
Juba may, from their
names,
have been Africans.
�In addition to these listed in the 1740s, James the gardener, hired to Fauquier, Botetourt, and
Dunmore between 1765 and 1771 must have been working as a gardener at Carter' s Grove in the
1750s.
Other slaves were listed as living at Merchant' s Hundred between 1740 and 1745 but never listed
as working in the house. Most of them were likely field hands except for the carter.
Hannah
Betty
Nanny in the quarter
Bristol' s wife ( unnamed)
Fanny and her children ( apparently living apart from the others)
Glo[ u] ster Betty
Belinda
Phillis ( in 1749 she had at least 5 children, including a son Richmond and a daughter Patt,
suggesting kinship with these domestics)
an unnamed child
Stepney
Jonny
Bristol
Nero
Gaby
Jonny Sawney
new negro Jammy
Joe
George
Peter
Jack
Marcellus
Pompey
Tom Goose
Guy
Punch
Carter Jamey
York
Callabar
new negro Tom
Tom and Jammy were identified as recently arrived Africans. From their names it is likely that
Bristol, Nero, Marcellus, Pompey, Punch, York, and Callabar were Africans as well.
Executor William Nelson hired out 13 slaves, primarily to Williamsburg residents in various
years between 1764 and 1770.
Most
were
probably domestics, although
three men
hired
to
�Benjamin Powell could have been carpenters. This group included: Judith, Betty, Hannah,
Venus, Sukey, Jane, Lucy ( a girl), Harry, Manuel, Joe, Billy, and James the gardener.
Other than an unnamed cook, few domestics are identified in Nathaniel Burwell' s account books.
There is no comparable clothing issue list to give an idea of the size of the domestic staff. In
1783
there
were
a
total of 48
slaves
living
at
Carter'
s
Grove-
23 adult men, 15 adult women, 6
girls, and 4 boys. Any division between field hands and domestics is not specified in the tax
lists. However, a number of these are listed as getting shoes and suits of clothes made by the
same shoemakers and tailors who were making clothing and shoes for the Burwell children. I
assume these slaves were likely domestics who were better dressed than the field hands. Burwell
also paid or lent or borrowed cash from many of these slaves between 1779 and 1786, further
reinforcing a close association. These slaves included:
Males:
Bristol ( baptized 1751
as
child),
Baron, Harry ( hired out in 1764 and 1769),
Joe ( hired out in 1764; he seems to have done a lot of traveling, so possibly a
coachman or body servant who ran errands for Burwell), Kitt, Toney, Jimmy,
Michael, and Cesar the barber( present from 1775 to 1806 except when hired to
Catherine Campbell in 1782- 83)
Females: Tenor [ Tiner], Old Nanny, Betty, and Esther
Also,
Betsey Cannaday
was
the cook at Carter Hall between
1794 and 1814.
She was living at
Carter' s Grove in the 1780s and perhaps working in the kitchen.
A Chronology of Emancipation, 1772- 1888
The following chronology contains information that is not in the " Enslaving Virginia
We want to expand the chronology to include additional names of people and
events that shaped the institution of slavery in the nineteenth century and African American life
Chronology."
after the ratification
of the Thirteenth
Amendment
in 1865.
Please submit a brief description
of
people and events to be added to the expanded" Enslaving Virginia Chronology" to Julie Richter
Bruton Heights School or jrichter@cwf. org). The expanded chronology will appear in a future
issue of" The Network."
1772
Lord Chief Justice Mansfield Rules that Slavery Is Not Supported by English Law,
Thus Laying the Legal Basis for the Freeing of England' s 15, 000 Slaves [ See the
Enslaving Virginia Resource Book for additional information on the Somerset Case].
1774
The English Society of Friends Votes the Expulsion of Any Member Engaged in
the Slave Trade.
�1775
Slavery Abolished in Madeira.
1776
The Societies of Friends in England and Pennsylvania Require Members to Free
Their Slaves or Face Expulsion.
1777
The Vermont Constitution Prohibits Slavery.
1780
The Massachusetts Constitution Declares That All Men Are Free and Equal by Birth; a
Judicial Decision in 1783 Interprets This Clause as Having the Force of Abolishing
Slavery.
Pennsylvania Adopts a Policy of Gradual Emancipation, Freeing the Children of
All Slaves Born after November 1, 1780, at Their Twenty- Eighth Birthday.
1784
Rhode Island and Connecticut Pass Gradual Emancipation Laws.
1787
Formation in England of the " Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade."
1794
The French National Convention Abolishes Slavery in All French Territories.
Law Is Repealed by Napoleon in 1802.
1799
New York Passes a Gradual Emancipation
Law.
1800
U. S. Citizens Barred from Exporting Slaves.
1804
Slavery Abolished in Haiti.
New Jersey Adopts a Plan of Gradual Emancipation.
1807
England and the U. S. Prohibit Engagement
1813
Gradual Emancipation Adopted in Argentina.
1814
Gradual
1820
England Begins Using Naval Power to Suppress the Slave Trade.
1823
Slavery Abolished in Chile.
1824
Slavery Abolished in Central America.
1829
Slavery Abolished in Mexico.
1831
Slavery Abolished in Bolivia.
1838
Slavery
Emancipation
in the International
Slave Trade.
Begins in Columbia.
Abolished in All British Colonies.
This
�1841
The Quintuple Treaty Is Signed under Which England, France, Russia, Prussia, and
Austria Agree to Mutual Search of Vessels on the High Seas in Order to Suppress the
Slave Trade.
1842
Slavery Abolished in Uruguay.
1848
Slavery Abolished in All French and Danish Colonies.
1851
Slavery Abolished in Ecuador.
Slave Trade Ended in Brazil.
1854
Slavery Abolished in Peru and Venezuela.
1862
Slave Trade Ended in Cuba.
1863
Slavery Abolished in All Dutch Colonies.
1865
Slavery Abolished in the U. S. as a Result of the Passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to
the Constitution and the End of the Civil War.
1871
Gradual Emancipation
1873
Slavery Abolished in Puerto Rico.
1886
Slavery Abolished in Cuba.
1888
Slavery Abolished in Brazil.
Source: Robert William
American Negro
Initiated in Brazil.
Fogel and
Slavery, (
Boston
Stanley
L. Engerman, Time
and Toronto:
Little, Brown
on
and
the
Cross:
Company,
The Economics of
1974),
pp. 34- 35.
Summary of the Population of Virginia and the United States, 1790
Source: Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1790,
Washington,
Publishing
D. C.:
Government Printing Office, 1908; reprint, Baltimore: Genealogical
Co., Inc., 1986),
pp. 8- 10.
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Dublin Core
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Title
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The Network : An Enslaving Virginia Publication
Description
An account of the resource
<em>The Network: An Enslaving Virginia Publication</em> was a series of newsletters published in 1999 to supplement the Becoming Americans master interpretive plan storyline also published in 1999 titled <em>Enslaving Virginia</em>. <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> accounts for the development and growth of a racially based slave system that profoundly affected the lives, fortunes, and values of blacks and whites in colonial Virginia. The information contained in <em>The Network</em> resulted from requests from interpreters for clarifications or additional research about the background information contained in the <em>Enslaving Virginia</em> resource book. One of the great strengths of <em>The Network</em> is the additional details provided about named enslaved and free blacks in the Williamsburg area.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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The Network. February 18, 1999
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1999-02-18
-
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PDF Text
Text
FALL 2021
NEWSLETTER
VOL. 4, NO. 2
FRIENDS OF JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER JR. LIBRARY
We are pleased to announce the formation of the Friends
of John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library. The John D. Rockefeller Jr.
Library is the research center of the Colonial Williamsburg
Foundation and advances knowledge of colonial British
America, the American Revolution, the early United States,
American decorative arts and folk art, and the Restoration
and continuing story of Colonial Williamsburg.
The new library Friends group will bring together
those with a personal commitment to strengthening the
library’s research collections and directly support the library’s mission of supporting research and scholarship.
Annual membership fees of $1,000 or more are tax deductible and will be used solely to acquire, digitize, and
conserve library research collections.
More information on this exciting new venture can
be found on the Friends of John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library
page.
IN THIS ISSUE
Friends of the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library:
p. 1
NIAHD Intern Julia Leney:
p. 2-3
New 360 Tours :
p. 4-5
Library Acquires New Databases:
p. 5-6
Digitization of Architectural Drawings:
p. 6-7
The Virginia Gazette for May 5, 1774, published by Clementina
Rind.
1
�INTERN SPOTLIGHT: JULIA LENEY, NIAHD INTERN
NIAHD intern Julia Leney at work inventorying architectural drawings in the Special Collections Department of the John D.
Rockefeller Jr. Library.
Along with the Rockefeller Library’s dedicated team of volunteers, college interns also play a critical role in helping to move various projects forward. Colonial Williamsburg’s partnership with the National Institute of American History and Democracy at William & Mary, known by the acronym NIAHD, enables William & Mary students to obtain hands-on museum experience working
in a variety of departments across the Foundation while providing Colonial Williamsburg with much needed extra assistance. This
fall Special Collections welcomed Julia Leney, a junior double majoring in history and French who is also pursuing a NIAHD certificate in Material Culture and Public History. Julia spent ten hours per week working with materials in the manuscript, visual resources, and architectural drawings collections while expanding her knowledge of museum and library collection management
and descriptive practices.
2
�INTERN SPOTLIGHT: JULIA LENEY, NIAHD INTERN
(continued)
A native of Annapolis, Maryland, Julia commenced her internship with some strong experience already on her resume
having worked over the summer as an Orlando Ridout Fellow through the Vernacular Architecture Forum. Under the supervision
of former Colonial Williamsburg Architectural Historian Willie Graham, Julia conducted field surveys of brick buildings around
Historic Annapolis. In addition, her student job cataloging specimens at William & Mary’s Herbarium provided her with a background in examining objects and recording details in a database.
Julia began the semester by working on a project to transcribe the Deneufville Family Papers, MS1941.2, half of which
were in French. This involved not only transcribing the original French but also translating it into English to assist researchers.
The process proved to be painstaking with several of the letters due to the differences between the modern French language
and eighteenth-century French. Even Julia’s French advisor remained stumped by several small sections of the documents that
Julia found challenging due to a combination of the handwriting and the eighteenth-century variations of the French language.
Julia persevered and managed to finish the transcription and translation of all eighteen documents comprising the collection.
The second phase of Julia’s internship involved assisting with the processing, re-housing, and preparation of preliminary
finding aids for four donated slide collections. Julia reviewed the slides and organized them into subject series, housed them in
archival sleeves and folders, and researched and wrote brief biographical sketches about the photographers and scope and content notes for the collections. Visual Resources Librarian Marianne Martin then prepared MARC catalog records for each collection and gave Julia an overview of the cataloging process. With the four collections arranged, properly housed, cataloged in the
library catalog, and preliminary finding aids ready to be encoded for publication on the website, they are very close to being
ready for research access thanks to Julia’s diligent assistance.
During her final weeks, Julia’s architectural field study background is proving to be beneficial as she works on preparing
a preliminary inventory of a series of architectural drawings of Bassett Hall that will soon be sent out for digitization. She is learning to recognize a variety of drawings ranging from landscape plot plans to measured architectural elevations, full-scale details,
and floor plans. The inventory process involves recording many different details about each drawing in a spreadsheet, identifying
the support and medium, and assessing the item’s condition. Her cataloging work at the Herbarium has enabled her to be quite
efficient at inventorying up to one hundred drawings per shift.
When asked about her favorite experience during the internship, Julia chose the process of transcribing and translating
the will of Peter Robert Deneufville. She found it contained an interesting section illustrating the moral dilemma faced by owners
of the enslaved. The will contained four paragraphs listing the conditions under which an enslaved woman, Betty, and her children, would be freed upon his death. The will included a provision for fifty pounds and lodging, plus the guarantee of freedom to
the enslaved family. Julia has found her internship to be very stimulating and is now leaning towards possibly applying to a graduate program at the University of Maryland that combines a Master’s in History with a Master’s in Library Science. Whichever
path she ultimately chooses, her enthusiasm and work ethic will enable her to make important contributions to the museum,
library, and archives profession.
3
�NEW 360 TOURS OF THE ART MUSEUMS AND GALLERIES
Rob Cloutier (center) and Peter Inker (right) record Ron Hurst, Vice President—Museums, Preservation, & Historic Resources, for addition to the 360 tour of ‘A Rich and Varied Culture’ gallery.
Photo by Francis Burroughs & Peter Inker.
During the Fall months we took the opportunity to develop upon the 360 tours we have already established. Using new techniques we developed in the 360 tour of the Peyton Randolph house, we incorporated film of Colonial Williamsburg’s senior curators directly into the tour of the museum and art galleries. The tour added three major exhibitions to the existing museums tour,
namely: The Art of the Quilter, To Arm against the Enemy, and A Rich and Varied Culture. This brings the number of virtual tours
of the museums and art galleries to a total of six exhibitions.
The 360 camera was set up around the exhibitions, adding thirty new locations to the existing sixteen. We also added
four new overviews of the collections given by our curators Erik Goldstein (Senior Curator of Mechanical Arts & Numismatics),
and Kim Ivey (senior curator of textiles), as well as Ron Hurst, Vice President—Museums, Preservation, & Historic Resources.
The new galleries of the museums and galleries now expand on the five virtual tours of Colonial Williamsburg. You can find them
all on the virtual tours page of our website, or by using the street view option in Google maps.
4
�NEW 360 TOURS OF THE ART MUSEUMS AND GALLERIES
(continued)
Equirectangular (360°) photo of the ‘Art of the Quilter gallery’ of the type used to create the 360 tours.
Photo by Rob Cloutier.
LIBRARY ACQUIRES NEW DATABASES
Rockefeller Library staff are always eager to hear about new resources that will support our colleagues’ research projects.
When the collections below came to our attention, we knew the Foundation’s historians, curators, and interpreters would be
thrilled to gain access to the troves of primary documents they contain. Trial subscriptions confirmed this, and we’re delighted
to add these tools to our database collection. We can’t wait to see how they will be used to inform and inspire educational
experiences in the historic area, art museums, and online.
'Bray Schools' in Canada, America and the Bahamas, 1645-1900
This collection from British Online Archives contains correspondence files, minute books, and financial reports compiled by the
Associates of Dr. Bray during the period 1724-1900. The Associates was a group of English clergymen and philanthropists who
created and funded schools for Black, and to a lesser extent, Indigenous North American, children in the American colonies between 1758 and 1776. Their aim in founding these schools was not only to educate, but also to Christianize, the students. Yet
while Bray’s schools had a substantial impact, the effects of the education they provided were not always what he and his Associates intended.
The recent discovery of the eighteenth-century building that housed Williamsburg’s own Bray School is making national news, and Colonial Williamsburg has embarked on an exciting partnership with William & Mary to interpret its complex history. This collection of primary documents from the Associates will be invaluable as we seek to learn as much as possible about
5
�LIBRARY ACQUIRES NEW DATABASES
(continued)
the school and its students. Read more about the Bray School Initiative.
Colonial Caribbean
Having completed publication of its “Colonial America” database in 2020, in 2021 Adam Matthew Digital introduced a new
collection of primary records from Britain’s Colonial Office. This new resource contains files for British colonies in the Caribbean over the period 1624 – 1832. Given the interconnectedness of the eighteenth-century world, these documents will be of
great interest to our community. Topics covered include: interactions with indigenous inhabitants; the establishment of colonies; legislation, legal proceedings and court records; trade and shipping; the management of plantations and agriculture, including growing concern about absentee landlords; the slave trade and interactions with enslaved people.
Though December is a busy month at Colonial Williamsburg, we know our researchers will appreciate these holiday
gifts – and that they’ll dive in with alacrity in January!
MASS DIGITIZATION OF COLONIAL WILLIAMSBURG’S ARCHITECTURAL DRAWINGS BEGINS
Marianne Martin, Donna Cooke and Carl Childs move the first batch of architectural drawings
from Special Collections for shipment to Backstage Library Works.
6
�MASS DIGITIZATION OF COLONIAL WILLIAMSBURG’S ARCHITECTURAL DRAWINGS BEGINS
(continued)
On December 9, 2021, Library staff carefully packed and loaded the first batch of architectural drawings to be sent to Backstage
Library Works in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania for digital imaging. This first grouping , which includes 137 pencil sketches of Historic
Area gardens by landscape architect Arthur A. Shurcliff and 41 architectural drawings by Restoration architects Percy, Shaw, and
Hepburn, will serve as a pilot project to determine the efficacy of scanning a collection of nearly 50,000 drawings. This project is
supported by a gift from a generous donor.
Carl Childs, Marianne Martin, Donna Cooke and the driver
from Backstage Library Works load our architectural drawings into the van.
Marianne Martin, the driver, Carl Childs and Sarah Nerney
pose happy in the knowledge that a new era has begun for
our invaluable collection of architectural drawings.
The John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library Newsletter is a publication of Colonial Williamsburg’s John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library.
Vice President, Education, Research, and Historic Interpretation
Beth Kelly
Executive Director, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library
Carl Childs
Editor
Doug Mayo
Contributors
Carl Childs, Peter Inker, Marianne Martin,
and Melissa Schutt
To learn how you can help or for assistance, please call 757-220-7249; 757-565-8510 or email us at rocklibrary@cwf.org.
7
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library Newsletter
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsbug Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2021
Title
A name given to the resource
John D. Rockefeller Jr Library newsletter. Volume 4, number 2, Fall 2021
-
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5a8f4a7b99941d46bde729c374b5b8cc
PDF Text
Text
SUMMER 2021
NEWSLETTER
VOL. 4, NO. 1
NEW EXHIBIT
The John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library is pleased to announce
the opening of a new exhibit, Hollywood Comes to Williamsburg: A Century of Movie and Media Productions.
Curated by library staff Jenna Simpson, Tracey Gulden,
Donna Cooke, and Marianne Martin, the exhibit traces the
history of both movies and television programs filmed in
Williamsburg by outside production companies as well as
the in-house films, filmstrips, sound recordings, and Electronic Field Trips created by Colonial Williamsburg’s audiovisual staff. Among the interesting objects on display are
scripts and flyers, still photographs, Dr. Goodwin’s scrapbook, an Arriflex IIa film camera, an Emmy award won by
Colonial Williamsburg Productions, a jawbone used as an
instrument in the Colonial Williamsburg production Music
of Williamsburg, and Williamsburg: The Story of a Patriot
paper dolls. Guests can also view segments from Colonial
Williamsburg’s Archival Film series, such as A Glorious System of Things, Search for a Century, and Williamsburg Restored via a monitor in the exhibit space.
IN THIS ISSUE
New Exhibit:
p. 1-3
Captain Peach Records:
p. 4-5
World War II Scrapbook :
p. 6-9
Arboretum Photography Project:
p. 10-12
Donor Appreciation Weekend:
p. 13-15
Library Endowment:
p. 16
Conservation Concerns:
p. 17-18
Donna Cooke and Tracey Gulden open the exhibit.
Photo by Wayne Reynolds.
1
�NEW EXHIBIT
(continued)
Hollywood Come to Williamsburg exhibit cases.
Photo by Wayne Reynolds.
When the Covid-19 pandemic began in late March 2020, the exhibit committee regrouped to determine how to continue preparing for the exhibition remotely. Committee members planned, researched, wrote text and label content, and worked
virtually with a graphic designer from their home offices. As the pandemic safety guidelines relaxed, the team met with the Art
Museums of Colonial Williamsburg staff for installation of a large wall panel featuring a short film chronology highlighting some
of the most important milestones in film productions set in Williamsburg and began physical installation of objects in cases.
Tracey Gulden oversaw the printing of the many still photos displayed alongside objects. Several staff members from the Art
Museums of Colonial Williamsburg, including Jan Gilliam, David Mellors, Jim Armbruster, and Colleen Kennedy, helped with
printing oversize exhibit graphics and title rails, fabricating object mounts, and hanging large wall panels. Judy Marx, a volunteer
in Media Collections, contributed her expertise by scanning and color correcting many images used in graphics. Melinda Evans of
Designs by Me created the eye-catching movie themed title poster, introductory panel, and film chronology.
The exhibit officially launched on July 27, 2021, via a virtual presentation given by Jenna Simpson and Marianne Martin
as a special event in partnership with the Williamsburg Regional Library. At the conclusion of the presentation, Donna Cooke and
Tracey Gulden performed a virtual ribbon cutting ceremony to open the exhibit to the public. A recording of the presentation
may be viewed online via the Williamsburg Regional Library’s YouTube channel .
2
�NEW EXHIBIT
(continued)
Exhibit case and timeline for Hollywood Comes to Williamsburg.
Photo by Wayne Reynolds.
Hollywood Comes to Williamsburg: A Century of Movie and Media Productions is free and open to the public during library hours from Monday – Friday, 9am – 5pm, through December 2022. Within the next few months, an online version will be
launched that will include a smaller sub-set of items illustrating the span of movie and media production in Williamsburg over the
past one hundred years.
3
�CAPTAIN SAMUEL J. E. PEACH JR RECORDS
Winthrop Rockefeller presenting Captain Peach, Head of Security, with his silver
bowl in honor of his twenty-five years of service at Colonial Williamsburg, circa
1968
Photo by Jane Isley
4
On May 25th, the Library received a donation of records related to Captain Samuel
J. E. Peach, Jr., first chief of security and
safety, who began work at Colonial Williamsburg in 1943. Kept by his wife Nadine in scrapbooks over his thirty-year
career, the records contain correspondence, newspaper clippings, and photographs and cover subjects related to Captain Peach’s job, including property protection and recovery, security arrangements for film productions, and VIP visitors. Also included are personal tributes
from fellow employees on the occasions of
his service anniversaries and his retirement in 1973. In a Daily Press newspaper
article about him dated September 14,
1958, Captain Peach said that the records
of his lost and stolen property cases range
from “hubcaps to hams” and that “We are
a little proud of the fact that we usually
get our man. It’s a matter of work and
patience usually.” When asked in another
newspaper interview after he’d been on
the job for fourteen years about any interest in retirement, he said “No, sir. I’m not
in any hurry to retire. I like this job fine
because it gives me a chance to help people instead of get them in trouble.” The
donation was made by Captain Peach’s
granddaughter Shannon Davis and his son
John Peach, and we are grateful for their
generosity in gifting this personal collection to the Library. We were also pleased
to meet the family of a long-time employee and hear personal stories about growing up in Williamsburg and about Captain
Peach himself. The Peach records will be a
permanent part of the Corporate Archives
and will be available for research by appointment once they are arranged and
processed. (Accession 2021-023)
�CAPTAIN SAMUEL J. E. PEACH JR RECORDS
(continued)
Shannon Davis and John Peach with their donation of records of Captain Samuel J. E. Peach, Jr.,
first chief of safety and security at Colonial Williamsburg, in front of the Robert Brackman portrait
of John D. Rockefeller Jr., May 25, 2021.
Photo courtesy of Shannon Davis
5
�NEW ACQUISITION: THE JAMES LEE AND ETHEL M. FISHER FAMILY ARCHIVES
Faculty of the Officer’s Training School, Camp Peary, 1944.
Page 3.
The Rockefeller Library is pleased to announce a significant addition to its holdings on World War II era Williamsburg, The
James Lee and Ethel M. Fisher Family Archives, a gift of Eric T. and Elizabeth Fisher Davis. Consisting of a scrapbook and
fifty-one associated black and white photographs, the archives document the wartime experiences of Dr. James Lee Fisher,
who served as a Navy medical doctor during World War II, and his wife, Ethel, who accompanied him to his first post at
Camp Peary, where she served in the Red Cross Unit. Mr. and Mrs. Davis also kindly provided a copy of the section of Dr.
Fisher’s reminiscences which pertains to his wartime service. This narrative helps to bring the events pictured in the scrapbook and associated photos to life and also illuminates the character and personality of Dr. Fisher .
6
�NEW ACQUISITION
(continued)
“Ethel came down to Williamsburg, and for 9 months we lived at the Williamsburg Inn,”.
Page 4.
Dr. Fisher departed for active duty as Lt Commander in the Medical Division of the United States Navy on December
18, 1942. His first assignment brought him to the United States Naval Construction Training Center at Camp Peary, home of
the “Seabees,” and located near Williamsburg, Virginia. Dr. Fisher’s wife, Ethel, joined him in Williamsburg in 1943 and they
lived for nine months in officer’s quarters at the Williamsburg Inn. Photos within the scrapbook of the Fishers interacting with
other couples billeted at the Inn illustrate the Inn’s important role in bolstering morale by providing a place for a peaceful interlude of rest and relaxation on weekends where the military could gather for refreshments, swimming, and entertainment.
7
�NEW ACQUISITION
(continued)
In September 1943, the Fishers moved to a cabin on the banks of
the York River on the Camp Peary
base. Ethel Fisher took part in the
Red Cross Unit overseen by Mrs.
Ware, wife of Captain James G. Ware,
the Commanding Officer at Camp
Peary. A series of group portraits,
along with informal scenes of the Red
Cross Unit members cutting and rolling bandages, highlight women’s contributions to wartime work in the
Williamsburg area. Social life on base
at Camp Peary, ranging from picnics,
baseball games, parties, and dances,
is captured in a series of photos of
the officers, soldiers, and families.
Mr. and Mrs. Fisher’s side trips to
Norfolk, Newport News, Yorktown,
and Richmond are also represented
in the album.
In April 1944, Dr. Fisher left Camp
Peary for a new assignment at the
United States Naval Construction
Center at Camp Endicott, Rhode Island. From there he received orders
to transfer to Seattle for training to
take on the role of Senior Medical
Officer of the U.S.S. Gage, a ship that
formed part of the Attack Transport
of the Amphibious Corps, 5th Fleet.
By January 1945, the U.S.S. Gage set
sail for the South Pacific, where Dr.
Fisher and the crew witnessed the
devastation in the Philippines, participated in such maneuvers as the Okinawa landing invasion, and assisted
with various efforts in Occupied Japan, whether transporting troops,
medical supplies, or medical staff to
Group portrait of members of the Red Cross Unit at Camp Peary near Williamsburg,
Virginia, 1943. Front row, left to right: Mrs. Magee, Mrs. Ware, Mrs. Archambeault,
Ethel Fisher. Back row, left to right: Mrs. Long, Mrs. Walker, Mrs. Edgar, Mrs. Mattingly, Mrs. Fox, Mrs. Morrison, Mrs. Sargeant, Mrs. Meadenhall, Mrs. Hoover, and Mrs.
Radar.
Page 9
different Japanese cities to lend aid. Through photographs and commentary, the
second half of Dr. Fisher’s scrapbook covers all of the difficult and distressing events
he encountered during his tour in the South Pacific at the end of World War II. The
album thus offers a complete picture of what many military officials who spent time
at training bases near Williamsburg eventually faced as the war progressed and finally came to a close. Dr. Fisher returned home in late 1945 to his medical practice in
Youngstown, Ohio, noting at the close of his album “I wouldn’t have missed it for
anything, but I wouldn’t do it again.”
The scrapbook may be viewed here: James Lee and Ethel M. Fisher Family
Archives.
8
�NEW ACQUISTION
(continued)
“Social life on the base consisted of picnics, ball games, parties in the houses, and dances at the Officer’s Club.”
Page 10.
Members of the Red Cross Unit at Camp Peary near Williamsburg, Virginia rolling bandages, 1943. Front row, left to right:
Mrs. Fox, Mrs. Mattingly, Mrs. Morrison. Next table, left to right: Mrs. Edgar, Mrs. Rader, and Ethel Fisher, wife of Dr. James
Lee Fisher. In corner, Mrs. Long at the sewing machine and Mrs. Magee, and Mrs. Hoover behind her.
9
�ARBORETUM PHOTOGRAPHY PROJECT
Did you know that in addition to
being a living history museum,
Colonial Williamsburg's 301-acre
campus is a Level 2 Arboretum
certified by ArbNet’s global Arboretum Accreditation Program?
The arboretum has over 100 species of trees and woody plants,
some of which are classified as
Virginia state champion and national champion trees. The Arboretum is cared for and documented by Colonial Williamsburg's
landscape department and its
dedicated volunteers.
Botanical detail from a Virginia Pine (Pinus virginiana) on South England Street
behind the Nicholas-Tyler Office.
Photo courtesy of Jerry McCoy.
Recently, Media Collections at the Rockefeller Library
has begun a project to document
these amazing specimens in our
own way through the work of
library volunteer photographer
Jerry McCoy. His work captures
the location and appearance of
these plants as they currently
stand, as well as illustrating botanical details. It is a useful record of this amazing, living Colonial
Williamsburg collection – as well
as a beautiful set of nature photography. As of late summer,
McCoy’s lens has captured nearly
60 species in the arboretum, and
there’s still (literally!) a lot of
ground to cover.
If you'd like to explore the Arboretum, you can learn more about it at https://www.colonialwilliamsburg.org/.../
arboretum-gardens/. The website even includes an interactive map to help you locate the specimens. If you have a
smartphone equipped with Google Maps, you can bring up the arboretum map and let your GPS guide you from tree to tree.
When you get to a specimen, use your phone to scan the QR code to learn more about the plant.
10
�ARBORETUM PHOTOGRAPHY PROJECT
(continued)
Leaf cluster and bud on a Sweetbay Magnolia (Magnolia virginiana) on Nicholson Street in front of the St. George Tucker House.
Photo courtesy of Jerry McCoy.
An Eastern Redbud (Cercis canadensis) at the Magazine guardhouse.
Photo courtesy of Jerry McCoy
11
�ARBORETUM PHOTOGRAPHY PROJECT
(continued)
Cornelian Cherry Dogwood (Cornus mas) on the west side of the Bryan House.
Photo courtesy of Jerry McCoy.
Paper Mulberry (Broussonetia papyrifera) in the small pasture behind Wetherburn's Tavern.
Photo courtesy of Jerry McCoy
12
�DONOR APPRECIATION WEEKEND
Representatives of the many departments of Colonial Williamsburg met with donors on
the grounds of Bassett Hall.
Photo courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
Donors were welcomed back to Colonial Williamsburg on September 10-11, 2021. Approximately 500 donors from the CW Burgess, CW Associates, Raleigh Tavern and W.A.R. Goodwin societies will be onsite to enjoy a variety of events designed to thank
them for their generosity and celebrate how their gifts support Colonial Williamsburg initiatives. As part of the festivities,
attendees enjoyed a Garden Party at Bassett Hall, which included lunch, entertainment, and an opportunity to engage with Foundation staff. Rockefeller Library and Historical Research staff were out in force to welcome donors, discuss their important work
and how research helps supports the Foundation. We are very grateful for the many generous donors who support our work.
Kelly Brennan and Cathy Hellier representing the Historians at Bassett Hall.
Photo courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
13
�DONOR APPRECIATION WEEKEND
(continued)
Marianne Martin representing Special Collections at the Bassett Hall event.
Photo courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
Donna Cooke and Sarah Nerney representing Corporate Archives at the Bassett Hall
event.
Photo courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
14
�DONOR APPRECIATION WEEKEND
(continued)
Tracey Gulden and Jenna Simpson representing Media Collections at the Bassett Hall event.
Photo courtesy of Wayne Reynolds.
15
�BASIMA QATTAN BEZIRGAN MEMORIAL LIBRARY ENDOWMENT
In our Spring 2019 issue, we announced a generous gift creating
the Basima Qattan Bezirgan Memorial Endowment at Rockefeller
Library. Donors Brooke England and Paul Michel knew that establishing a fund to purchase new reference and circulating
books would be a fitting tribute to their dear friend, a women's
history author and librarian whose career included serving as
Middle East Cataloger and Arabic Specialist at the University of
Chicago and as Cataloger and Bibliographer at the General Libraries of the University of Texas at Austin.
We are now pleased to share some of the first purchases made with this endowment; these and future acquisitions will
deepen our collections and enrich the work of Colonial Williamsburg’s community of scholars. Though the fund is unrestricted,
many of the titles have a connection to women’s history, contributions, and concerns. Each bears a bookplate honoring Basima
Qattan Bezirgan’s memory.
Basima Qattan Bezirgan memorial
bookplate.
Ball, Erica L., et al., editors. As If She Were Free: A Collective Biography of Women and Emancipation in the Americas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020.
Cheek, Pamela. Heroines and Local Girls: The Transnational
Emergence of Women's Writing in the Long Eighteenth
Century. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
2019.
Fairfax, Edmund. The Styles of Eighteenth-Century Ballet.
Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press, 2003.
Flanders, Judith. A Place for Everything: The Curious History of Alphabetical Order. New York: Basic Books, 2020.
Holden, Vanessa M. Surviving Southampton: African American Women and Resistance in Nat Turner's Community.
Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2021.
McEnroe, Sean F. A Troubled Marriage: Indigenous Elites of
the Colonial Americas. Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, 2020.
Books purchased with funds from the Basima Qattan Bezirgan
Memorial Library Endowment.
Ridley, Glynis. The Discovery of Jeanne Baret: A Story of
Science, the High Seas, and the First Woman to Circumnavigate the Globe. New York: Broadway Paperbacks, 2011.
Smith, Bonnie G. Women in World History: 1450 to the
Present. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020.
16
�CONSERVATION CONCERNS
When institutions collect rare materials, they incur the twin obligations of caring for those materials and making them accessible to researchers. Both endeavors can be labor intensive and may require more assets to tackle the task than the institution
can bring to bear. Due to the nature of the materials housed at the John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library our conservation needs far
exceed the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation’s capacity to treat all our endangered materials onsite.
In the past few years, nearly two hundred issues of the Virginia Gazette have been delaminated in our own paper lab
within the Museum, Preservation, and Historic Resources division. Unfortunately, many thousands of items are still awaiting
delamination including letters, deeds, wills and bound volumes. Some of the bound volumes contain hundreds of sheets of
paper making them significant conservation projects.
In the past, the library has sent some materials to outside facilities for conservation. One such item is the Humphrey Harwood
account book. Harwood was a local builder in 18th-century Williamsburg whose account book documents the work he performed at various Williamsburg sites. Harwood’s account book was sent to the Northeast Document Conservation Center for
treatment and rebinding insuring its survival and usability far into the future. The account book of James Anderson also documents work done on 18th-century buildings in Williamsburg. Anderson was the local blacksmith, and his volumes also reside in
Special Collections. We would like to send Anderson’s volumes out for conservation so they will remain here to document his
work for generations to come. If you would like to help us fund this and similar conservation projects, please contact our Director, Carl Childs cchilds@cwf.org .
Entry from the James Anderson account book showing work done for Williamsburg builder Benjamin
Powell.
17
�CONSERVATION CONCERNS
(continued)
Detail from the James Anderson account book showing work done for Williamsburg printer John Clarkson.
Detail from the James Anderson account book showing work done for Williamsburg store owner John Greenhow.
The John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library Newsletter is a publication of Colonial Williamsburg’s John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library.
Vice President, Education, Research, and Historic Interpretation
Beth Kelly
Executive Director, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library
Carl Childs
Editor
Doug Mayo
Contributors
Carl Childs Donna Cooke, Marianne Martin, Doug Mayo
Sarah Nerney, Melissa Schutt, and Jenna Simpson
To learn how you can help or for assistance, please call 757-220-7249; 757-565-8510 or email us at rocklibrary@cwf.org.
18
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library Newsletter
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
John D. Rockefeller Jr Library newsletter. Volume 4, number 1, Summer 2021
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
2021-09
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/d0c47dc51965c331929cd220662c1308.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=ebbnTFDvAyrGfomIdyWAR411oNa4RCpctDm5mZ5lsJjURe8F4y93ffPZzt8PMThu%7E82k1KJoRyVVY1mcH6o2iJonjVgHCc%7EGubOR5y6Ou0bbh1IAdS0KMMLnDtWiU3ZI7Os7YdvZq3HtH6BLhgHLgLkwxTW5y4KZIX4AELs0auof3KvC0Fo3RRAnbdSDopS8zuBympZ1QQqV2ziHnJFmgb3wVZXc37N%7EhJSU5BlFjmqAlmcyNWBOXs00OaXHs0XE1zuk5CaU2zwtB-BQkHrv963JacNfRlKumeXc38S82cCNdtY1oQUi-gRRSkpXvvcrKFrDMRDRnOrjNgEoTSqt3A__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
a133214059ce71f06fa95b67f82f76bf
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Annual Reports
Description
An account of the resource
The Colonial Williamsburg <em>Annual Report</em> is issued annually to the public in printed (and now also digital on the website) form. Beginning publication in 1951 and continuing to the present day, the Annual Report was first titled <em>Report by the President</em>. The reports always contain a message from the President of Colonial Williamsburg summarizing the year’s achievements and challenges, descriptions of notable events and completed projects, and a financial statement. The reports sometimes also contain a message from the Chairman of the Board of Trustees and lists of donors to the Foundation. The earlier reports also contain lists of all the administrative officers in addition to the members of the Board of Trustees.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
New Vistas to the Past : with a Summary of the Year 1977
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
[1978]
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/7638597e18d441bec0b5488ab79eb33b.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=YmOWC7Dsbf50OheCedIjnawDZh3CBF47QsamALoChuwUPKLcmf5AGhAlbqSEhxq4Tl8e%7E-OGKXiCcTxE2coBDORDXRHAnXaePP32Zi9ZHs%7E70aLll%7EUrlPsEXmuJtA0iOYAIv28hFkGfqale4GCeXwjNbreWG9vYr3OJYtaNW2Xo4OImo1AFMU9WSdlXn69V14rme8UNDE%7EaXCYZK9jg03Hp6%7EVFesH1l1m7lrELKmBQ88Bdah-hPx0e3qoh6bnFWGnRK0PuslFMPPlRrg8eIiwDHImslcQ0Tcf2-VL184wLy8B2jbuLWTY8F6JA-K9qhVgumpnBpPp5T7v1f7ZcQg__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
3335351412b3a2e864a3b4f6ac89cdb8
PDF Text
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Annual Reports
Description
An account of the resource
The Colonial Williamsburg <em>Annual Report</em> is issued annually to the public in printed (and now also digital on the website) form. Beginning publication in 1951 and continuing to the present day, the Annual Report was first titled <em>Report by the President</em>. The reports always contain a message from the President of Colonial Williamsburg summarizing the year’s achievements and challenges, descriptions of notable events and completed projects, and a financial statement. The reports sometimes also contain a message from the Chairman of the Board of Trustees and lists of donors to the Foundation. The earlier reports also contain lists of all the administrative officers in addition to the members of the Board of Trustees.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Revolution in Williamsburg : with a Summary of the Year 1976
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
[1977]
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/164d1a57c842e2672ff1a54d391028c6.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=RiXIYPOXw4KBc1pGBz51gikfGqjq247QZZiR1zVi%7EnRcZ6UnNKAfTe4DpgWr2rfm7WbzdpFJCjEeeM%7EXrAdQMenegUrJnOQ5dlihRaCnivOK3RFZ%7EOwTk4HeNJGr7H5e4lSeBrbDAnIMsJ3THciiNphsLW41NMJgSgoI%7EyTFgSYjdx3PDw12n7Eu2bKbqliTlJUBr0IqrtJ16KU6INApXa3tmWjkmLN3pfuygBWTtG0IGZToWd%7Ek4AGcf7W7ZB8aGKGaER2GWpDSkrXNctMrHriqaAjatUWM7rqFKYHRUPfayU%7E6DjCLrTmQFZd728lvbzATcmvf24nWzZVZIYnv%7Ew__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
92a40259a152683f11d9b245c54b320c
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Annual Reports
Description
An account of the resource
The Colonial Williamsburg <em>Annual Report</em> is issued annually to the public in printed (and now also digital on the website) form. Beginning publication in 1951 and continuing to the present day, the Annual Report was first titled <em>Report by the President</em>. The reports always contain a message from the President of Colonial Williamsburg summarizing the year’s achievements and challenges, descriptions of notable events and completed projects, and a financial statement. The reports sometimes also contain a message from the Chairman of the Board of Trustees and lists of donors to the Foundation. The earlier reports also contain lists of all the administrative officers in addition to the members of the Board of Trustees.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Williamsburg's Prelude to Revolution : with a Summary of the Year 1975
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
[1976]
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/3f562d4a4c0fdb76c39571ba320324da.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=CETeFHXmaR4mFNySeZxcEr4XePekNhYvg5ANeWZ6zEhpkpmFKMvJKwYfMMc4sZwn0r06SIaMvVfT4pWfHwZDk7NPfh9tLXiMD5Wy0rhE-z0dZPaKqHfm3P8wd%7EEoUkYyElLQKBe%7Ex9s022VsTLjynwQ7vS-qWM1u3auOMndD7qxWrFV1KMZgBUkmx5mmisniryJ-z6cQ-n3gaHn4A7OGoQ5zPg6jClh6jAFyiBspRVQhAAtYXlKYDv73tpZs1JyL0Ol8bJMkD2zUlyepNfAjhwJQTBsX8aCbKp7%7EQ5zlHDsgYgIUa1c4kUnMlt8kzG03V0UFNdMIhY1yUZs-EaJPlw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
91c59cc69f0411c46a373f6f6deb0208
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Annual Reports
Description
An account of the resource
The Colonial Williamsburg <em>Annual Report</em> is issued annually to the public in printed (and now also digital on the website) form. Beginning publication in 1951 and continuing to the present day, the Annual Report was first titled <em>Report by the President</em>. The reports always contain a message from the President of Colonial Williamsburg summarizing the year’s achievements and challenges, descriptions of notable events and completed projects, and a financial statement. The reports sometimes also contain a message from the Chairman of the Board of Trustees and lists of donors to the Foundation. The earlier reports also contain lists of all the administrative officers in addition to the members of the Board of Trustees.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The President's Report, 1974
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
[1975]
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/aab7fdf7ed3f00f0d86b36ccb3366f1d.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=Agn8XL3B4nnkYpRudF00tUxn4UFja0f5SyzhmPC8eRf1zuQdbRTraJHb8FSK3GAzKZ6KkdnQy8SyaNAJSLSfN8CjB70eQUkNWI3J1hIqvTSaRQeK3BbZPiAncxOTpJ2aiU19tytqVdggl6UvtHAZavBm-2N0lO3174-zr1ZFrk-PR4hOD8B6MhPoEtTM0PUgjUm7kRPDoBpHiGC1IpTa4rwfZsFfDrUNlGxIORLbITLPoQ6m-6A%7EGUjXMPYQ2nmf7jGaInillaajqrKO5tYR0zjxDdaTs9wz6KODenqJ%7E5Mywugb21-faGpLgHroERb64i8A21rwdVMxQgPvRPiv9Q__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
3e09f398e79bb1ae81a336bc4e347875
PDF Text
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Annual Reports
Description
An account of the resource
The Colonial Williamsburg <em>Annual Report</em> is issued annually to the public in printed (and now also digital on the website) form. Beginning publication in 1951 and continuing to the present day, the Annual Report was first titled <em>Report by the President</em>. The reports always contain a message from the President of Colonial Williamsburg summarizing the year’s achievements and challenges, descriptions of notable events and completed projects, and a financial statement. The reports sometimes also contain a message from the Chairman of the Board of Trustees and lists of donors to the Foundation. The earlier reports also contain lists of all the administrative officers in addition to the members of the Board of Trustees.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
The President's Report, 1973
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
[1974]
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/06bba9df4d71ebdf8df14f10de1eba4c.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=BNwLqSmZ2QzUS2a5CwRGbOyowecDqtClt6L9HFAQYamu8D5YhFbDnqh8Gup5WlQyXRZ2bXyhRTTyv%7Evb9ED8TvZ0qMb0ShHLo3c-uK%7EpYVW4KDeZJPm6wjxeTmCdwIxIFGs5C6GqzkAXGRCdumUcuvqYgc-kbaNcb8fV0nywcDXOt6MAwSvAHNnYx3PjlJa0c3ipqsIGFHCHvDPouXIPK1D4KMR67W%7EjRG0mfDCYay1F8BEtTQSkajgzCefhAXjS4tJjCL%7E0ExrL2Li5s5nsxQ6k%7EtS-3Clfop52iS8GaSOG5W1JlENDQrFIbPFxGxA8uxfm7m-%7EvG%7EL3pEQohwrsw__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
273c5a93e03571d8a5a2d3f807122f3f
PDF Text
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COLONIAL
WILLIAMSBURG
s a cultural and educational center reflect-
ing an important chapter of eighteenth-
century life, Colonial Williamsburg offers
six major appeals. Any one of them, in a
different and separate locale, might become
an American landmark. The principal appeals of Williamsburg lie in its history and
heritage, gardens, architecture, collections of
furniture
and furnishings,
handcrafts,
and
preservation research in all forms, including
archaeology. Each appeal is supported by a
vigorous program designed to reveal to visitors how all of them were woven
into
the
fabric
of the
colonial
together
capital
of
Virginia.
Inspired by Dr. W. A. R. Goodwin, Mr.
John D. Rockefeller, Jr., began the preser-
vation and restoration of Williamsburg in
1926. He opened the way toward this unique
and enduring contribution to contemporary
American life by recalling the fundamental
principles and appeals of the Williamsburg
of two hundred years ago.
From 1699 to 1780 Williamsburg was the
capital of Virginia and a proving ground for
both ideas and leaders. A remarkable body
of men reached political maturity in Williamsburg in this era and met its challenges:
George Washington,
George Wythe, Peyton
Randolph, Edmund Pendleton, Patrick
Henry, George Mason, Thomas Jefferson,
and a score of other Virginians. The capital
provided a setting for and a stimulus to their
growth
as
leaders.
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Annual Reports
Description
An account of the resource
The Colonial Williamsburg <em>Annual Report</em> is issued annually to the public in printed (and now also digital on the website) form. Beginning publication in 1951 and continuing to the present day, the Annual Report was first titled <em>Report by the President</em>. The reports always contain a message from the President of Colonial Williamsburg summarizing the year’s achievements and challenges, descriptions of notable events and completed projects, and a financial statement. The reports sometimes also contain a message from the Chairman of the Board of Trustees and lists of donors to the Foundation. The earlier reports also contain lists of all the administrative officers in addition to the members of the Board of Trustees.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Annual Report, 1972
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
[1973]
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/0782356595708732e492de990d495765.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=diNsURUSscTjMMEuidSOEikDXDj0zYqLDyTvf4s2spXySoTO98uFiEb%7EmvQxFWECBeOnSYA2aHD131sr-dlfuDWToQdr0d47Cb%7E3r4h02EQTpGngH2k0ddKdCvrgPT7TTGLH62VU9oQsJxcCirv20lOjosl8xTDk3Fbk2NN7zBlPqYT26lapDogPGQO8theVKXWlebpwTtFnqEfCk%7EccR79w7iir6catjUtTNp-cHAOn0NEMjCF6O-Vjotgh5-DVs4rrXfcbWP3AzbHzNhqImmfzHdKgURn4V61iCOOBqEUaiMDuFNG3vFcDXlW%7EeW08yEBuxI9Gyzpv2msYP2P62w__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
5d8ff64e23e3db36a52f9b2b2dde5bc5
PDF Text
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Annual Reports
Description
An account of the resource
The Colonial Williamsburg <em>Annual Report</em> is issued annually to the public in printed (and now also digital on the website) form. Beginning publication in 1951 and continuing to the present day, the Annual Report was first titled <em>Report by the President</em>. The reports always contain a message from the President of Colonial Williamsburg summarizing the year’s achievements and challenges, descriptions of notable events and completed projects, and a financial statement. The reports sometimes also contain a message from the Chairman of the Board of Trustees and lists of donors to the Foundation. The earlier reports also contain lists of all the administrative officers in addition to the members of the Board of Trustees.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Planning a Future for the Past : The President's Report
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
[1972]
-
https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/45914/archive/files/d5d599be298a31b6052fd3fa958f18cc.pdf?Expires=1712793600&Signature=H6AMl6oru38YrC3YDi0uSxRERGU5HBkQ5J7OJtWU-TBtMfCKVllAfnpv0WRFXlhmF1Fop4lwki9EYP1Hl8KlgRw5V5fpSUzU4POy92zYFuLSGPoic%7E%7E-IKkay8cVpD4jvoX5Jsxrah2v2g9ht6kH4Xp8ItvTrTvCfXSImhzLYXSzxJFP-BLGHDvit-DrA6WGUgstOFxJHLOWs7-3KTVPdG%7EWmy57cXJ2euBQA%7Ejw58sRPNHeOMB2Kv%7EurB8ekdAMvlKk4T5sSLXaWBdYWNYUL0kOjSPthLZJSSg4N0x8zZwRFZqD3HKBZNRelwQlZZ1d6jxhow-nPaMqpmIGX0XIAQ__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM
759237f5e5694ecb863a3067e30a86bd
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Annual Reports
Description
An account of the resource
The Colonial Williamsburg <em>Annual Report</em> is issued annually to the public in printed (and now also digital on the website) form. Beginning publication in 1951 and continuing to the present day, the Annual Report was first titled <em>Report by the President</em>. The reports always contain a message from the President of Colonial Williamsburg summarizing the year’s achievements and challenges, descriptions of notable events and completed projects, and a financial statement. The reports sometimes also contain a message from the Chairman of the Board of Trustees and lists of donors to the Foundation. The earlier reports also contain lists of all the administrative officers in addition to the members of the Board of Trustees.
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Annual Report, 1970
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Colonial Williamsburg Foundation
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
[1971]